Panic Power (2)
https://elementsdeducationraciale.wordpress.com/2019/07/06/le-pouvoir-panique-2/
Posted on July 6, 2019 by Elements of Racial Education

Like Priapus, Pan has two faces, depending on whether he appears in popular worship and mythology or in the theological-philosophical systems of the various philosophical schools of antiquity. Among the pre-Hellenic peoples and for the poets, he is an essentially rustic and pastoral divinity. Among the Pythagoreans and Orphics, it symbolizes universal substance. In some of their parts, these two faces are therefore superimposed, because the materia prima of the philosophers is the principle of what is designated in everyday language under the term of nature or matter.
The center of Pan's cult in Greece was Arcadia. The Arcadians considered themselves indigenous and maintained that their country was older than the moon (1), that is to say that it had an origin older than this star; hence they gave themselves the name of “ proselênoi ” (“anterior to the moon”, a star which was one of their oldest deities) (2). One of their tribes even bore the name of Selenoi and the Peloponnese, at the center of which Arcadia was located, was reputed to be the same size as the moon (3). The Greeks were of a significantly different opinion who derived the name of proselênoi from the verb proselein (to attack, brutalize) (4), in the sense of hybrizein(insult). In fact, Lycophron and Aristotle bring down the Arcadians from the Dryopes, a tribe of violent brigands who took their name from their ancestor, Dryops, son of Dia, daughter of Lycaon. Lycaon, according to Pausanias, founded the first city in the world, Lykoseura; in the genealogy transmitted by the Greek geographer, Lykaon is given as the son of Pelasgos, "born of the ground". Furthermore, since Lake Symphale, whose birds had been killed by Hercules, was located in Arcadia and the source of the Styx was also in Arcadia, the Arcadians were regarded as the inhabitants of a hellish land (5).
The Arcadians were a people of shepherds and ploughmen. They exported to industrial peoples the products that their country contained: wood, grain, minerals, herds of goats, goats, horses and donkeys, medicinal plants. Vigorous, they did not use the latter, their only remedy being the milk of their flocks. The nickname balanêphagoi ("acorn-eater"), given to them by their neighbors, does not necessarily indicate that they were poor; on the contrary, it could indicate that they were greedy, since roasted acorns are presented as delicacies by Aristophanes and Plato (6). However, it is more likely that it referred to their antiquity. Gallen ( De alimen. Facult. , II, C, 38), on the faith of Diodorus of Sicily (Bibl. Hist. , I, 8) and Ælien ( Var. Hist. , III, C. 39) report that, in the early days, men ate only acorns and that the Arcadians had remained faithful to this custom, while the Greeks had abandoned it when they received agriculture from Demeter. Balanophagia therefore defines a social and political state prior to civilization (7).
Extremely important for understanding Pan's rich symbolism, the Arcadians, like all shepherds, grazed their flocks in what the Greeks called eschatiai(confines, extremities) (8). “The scarcity of sedentary agricultural practice and the weakness of the population dominated by a culture of mobility [led] the ancient Greeks often to reject the men who live in the eschatiai on the side of marginality and to put pressure on them. suspicion of delinquency, even barbarism ”(9). In addition, the eschatiai brought together flocks and therefore shepherds from different cities (10). Artemos, patroness of wild beasts, reigns over the eschatiai, where, as a hunter, Pan is subordinate to him (11). In this respect, Pan is therefore halfway between nomos and physis- we would say nature and culture respectively - an antithesis introduced by the sophists (12). This intermediate position is symbolically expressed by its half-man, half-animal aspect; as for “[the] animal of which it takes [partly] the form [it] is not entirely wild. For the ancients, the goat is equidistant between the savage and the domestic ”(13). What is more, he acts as a sort of mediator between gods and men (14).
The Arcadians were suspicious, suspicious and nonetheless hospitable. Although deeply attached to their valleys and their mountains, they had no difficulty in emigrating. The fact that they passionately valued their freedom did not prevent them from seeking their fortunes abroad as mercenaries. They were particularly sought after by foreign courts, because - a point which will take on its full significance in the third part of this essay - shepherds, they were well acquainted with these "marginal areas" that were the eschatiai . They were preferably employed as "givers of information on the state of the borders", in short as spies (15). They loved war, plunder.
Despite or because of their rough and coarse manners, they liked music very much; favored by the loneliness and wandering of their lives, the love of music is found among all pastoral peoples. In combat, the Arcadians walked sometimes to the sound of the pipe, sometimes to that of the flute, whose high and piercing notes were calculated to excite anger. Their legislators imposed on them the study of music from childhood to the age of thirty, in order, according to Polybius (IV, 20), to "soften what was too harsh in their nature. and too wild ”. Their dances and songs were among the most famous. One of these dances, probably of Phrygian origin (16) and very popular from the archaic period throughout the Peloponnese, was the sicinnis (17),executed by panhands and goat-headed and bearded satyrs who imitated the leaps and leaps of goats on the rocks (18). An Arcadian tribe, the Cynaethéens, tells Polybius (IV, 20), completely neglected these institutions and ended up becoming again so savage that the crime rages in their country more than in any other region of Greece.
From the Arcadians, of whom he was the protective deity, Pan received his attributes, features and habits and perhaps even his name (19). They had built many temples to him, including that of Akakesion, near Megalopolis (20), in which resided an oracle of which Erato had been the priestess (21) and where a perpetual fire burned. They looked on him as some sort of supreme deity. In any case, they considered him the oldest of their gods and it was for him that they had the most veneration (22), to such an extent, according to Stephen of Byzantium, that his name called Panie the land of Pelasgians (23). Keeper of the herds and protector of the family, he also presided over hunting and music. According to Macrobe ( Saturnalia, I), the Arcadians called Pan "master of matter", in the cosmogonic sense of sovereign ruler of all material principles which form the essence of celestial or terrestrial bodies and, as such, he was identified with the sun and, consequently, closer to Apollo and Jupiter (24); the Egyptians gave it the name of Khem and Amon-Re, representations of the generative and nutritive power of nature (25). Precisely, according to Diodorus Siculus (I, 18), Pan was originally from Egypt, where, according to Herodotus (l. 2), he was one of the first eight gods.
For the Greeks, Pan, still according to Herodotus, was on the contrary one of the inferior divinities of modern invention. Unknown to Homer and Hesiod, he was no longer unknown to the Athenians at the time of the Battle of Marathon (490 BC). Shortly before the latter gave battle to the Persians, they had decided to ask the Lacedaemonians for help and had sent them for this purpose the Philippides hemerodrome, to which, while on his way, Pan had appeared in the region of Mount Parthenon and, after having called him "aloud by his name [...] [ordered] him to ask the Athenians why they did not worship him, to him who had goodwill towards them, who had already been useful on several occasions, and would still be useful in the future. The Athenians believed in the report of Phidippides; and,when they saw their business prospering, they built a chapel in Pan below the citadel. Since that time, they have made themselves this auspicious god by annual sacrifices, and by the race of torches ”(26). The sacrifices made to him were common with those made to Dionysus and to the nymphs. (27). Cows, rams, lambs, milk and honey were presented to him for an offering (28). From there his cult spread throughout the Greek world as far as Illyria, Delphi and Thrace. In most of the places where he settled, he was celebrated in caves, which, it should be noted, was not the case in Arcadia (29).they make themselves this auspicious god by annual sacrifices, and by the course of torches ”(26). The sacrifices made to him were common with those made to Dionysus and to the nymphs. (27). Cows, rams, lambs, milk and honey were presented to him for an offering (28). From there his cult spread throughout the Greek world as far as Illyria, Delphi and Thrace. In most of the places where he settled, he was celebrated in caves, which, it should be noted, was not the case in Arcadia (29).they make themselves this auspicious god by annual sacrifices, and by the course of torches ”(26). The sacrifices made to him were common with those made to Dionysus and to the nymphs. (27). Cows, rams, lambs, milk and honey were presented to him for an offering (28). From there his cult spread throughout the Greek world as far as Illyria, Delphi and Thrace. In most of the places where he settled, he was celebrated in caves, which, it should be noted, was not the case in Arcadia (29).From there his cult spread throughout the Greek world as far as Illyria, Delphi and Thrace. In most of the places where he settled, he was celebrated in caves, which, it should be noted, was not the case in Arcadia (29).From there his cult spread throughout the Greek world as far as Illyria, Delphi and Thrace. In most of the places where he settled, he was celebrated in caves, which, it should be noted, was not the case in Arcadia (29).
The first mention of Pan in the literature is found in the Homeric hymns (7th-3rd century BC). The hymn dedicated to him (end of the 4th-beginning of the 3rd century BC) (30) presents him as the son of Hermes and a daughter of Dryope and endows him with the attributes of the god of the flocks and, by extension, of the hunt, that it was, as we saw above, for the shepherds of Arcadia. At the sight of the newborn, who had come into the world with legs, thighs and goat's feet, two horns and a long beard, the nymphs of Arcadia uttered a cry of horror; as for Hermes, also present at the delivery, he laughed; he wrapped him in the hairy skin of a hare and went to present him to the gods. “All were overjoyed, especially Dionysus, and they gave the child the name of Pan,because he had amused them all ”(31). He was raised by nymphs (32). According to Euripides (Ion , 501) and Ovid ( Metamorphoses , XIV, 515), he lived in caves; after Aeschylus ( The Persians, 448) (33), he wandered on the top of the mountains or in the valleys, where, dressed in a goat skin, he sometimes hunted wild animals, sometimes he frolicked with the nymphs playing the flageolet. God of flocks, wild animals and domestic animals, it was his domain to keep them and see that they multiply (34); the bees were also under his protection (35). God of hunters and fishermen (by extension, the coasts were also under his protection), he could allow them to take a good catch, as he could prevent them from doing so (36); in Arcadia, the hunters used to whip his statue, if they would empty it (37). The goat-god was himself a hunter god: "The pastoral function and the hunting function go hand in hand: he returns,to a god who ensures the biological balance of the animal world, to also sanction the standards relating to activities that could endanger this balance (38). Hence also that he was a god of fertility and, more particularly, of fertility and, consequently, of material wealth, flocks then being one of the main sources of abundance for the Arcadians as well as for other peoples (l breeding was more developed in Arcadia than in other regions of Greece). In this respect, he is described both as "husband of the goats" and as the driver of the herd.material wealth, herds being then one of the main sources of abundance for Arcadians as well as for other peoples (breeding was more developed in Arcadia than in other regions of Greece). In this respect, he is described both as "husband of the goats" and as the driver of the herd.material wealth, herds being then one of the main sources of abundance for Arcadians as well as for other peoples (breeding was more developed in Arcadia than in other regions of Greece). In this respect, he is described both as "husband of the goats" and as the driver of the herd.
Offspring of Hermes, Pan was, like him, a healing god and a prophet god. One of Pan's genealogies presents him as the son of Jupiter and Thymbris, nymph of the waters who would have transmitted to him the art of prophecy, in which he would then have instructed Apollo, the Thymbrean Apollo, that is to say of Phrygia (39). Following Pausanias (VIII, 32, 11) and Apollodorus (I, 4, 1), he had rendered oracles to the temple of Akakésion through the intermediary of the nymph and priestess Erato.
Pan could heal the sick by incubation, that is, by appearing to them, at their request, in a dream (40).
The underlying reason for these two complementary attributes, which are prophecy and thaumaturgy, is that, for the Pelasgians which were the Arcadians, the earth, "the last resort of logic in search of an origin and an end, containing within it all the principles of life and taking up all the debris left by death, was to be the arbiter of the growth or degeneration of all organisms. She alone possesses the talismans, stones, herbs, various drugs, in which the vital forces are hidden: she gives to whomever she pleases these marvelous devices from which suddenly escapes, like a spring which relaxes, life or death. "(41). This is why Pan, like Demeter, Pluto, Dionysus and, in general, all the deities who descended into the underworld,were healers and this is also why the chthonian gods were also linked to divination, especially in its medical application, which was incubation.
There is no representation of the god before the time when his cult spread outside of Arcadia, but it is not forbidden to think that the Arcadian shepherds represented him with features similar to his functions: feet and goat horns, a crook and a harsh air (42). The first image of him, a bronze dated to the mid-5th century BC, shows him slightly humanized, standing on his hind legs; he is half animal by his hooves, his genitals, his little tail, his fur and his head, half man by his chest and his hands; one of them, like one of Priapus, probably held a lagobolon, a stick used to kill small wild animals, while the other was visorized in the manner of the hunter on the lookout or the vigilant pastor. In later times,Pan is represented in two main forms: that of a bearded goat with large horns, often provided with a tail and forked hooves, which has only human posture and the general structure of the body and that of a teenager with brown skin, whose only animal trait is constituted by small horns or pointed ears, characteristic sign of fauns and satyrs, which one barely distinguishes through the hair which falls elegantly on his forehead. In his animal representations, he is endowed with a disproportionate sex (43), which artists understood less as the emblem of the generative and reproductive force of nature than as the mark of the unbridled penchant he was reputed to have for them. sexual pleasures (44).This reputation for boundless lewdness came to him from the fact that the goat was known for his lasciviousness and the shepherd himself was said to have a particular tendency for the pleasures of the flesh.
Hence the etymology given to his name by the historian Douris of Samos (v.340- v. 270 before our era). According to him, the god was born of Penelope and of all her suitors and it is precisely because all those who courted Penelope in the absence of Odysseus had contributed to her birth that he was called Pan (45). Like mother, like sons: he is debauched ( lagnos ), erotomaniac ( erôtikos ), as lewd as a donkey ( kêlôn ), has abundant sperm ( polusporos) and is constantly in pursuit of prey, whether nymphs, which he rapes in caves, or young shepherds, consenting or not (46); in the absence of a partner, he gets pleasure himself. According to Diogenes (47), Hermes had taught him masturbation, which he had then taught to the shepherds. Pan is very close to goats, whose lewdness was proverbial; he is even "the one who copulates with the goats" ( aigibatês ); it is true that, according to a tradition, it is the fruit of the loves of Penelope and Hermes transformed into a goat (48). The extra-marital sexual act, in all its brutality and savagery, was so closely associated with this divinity that its name entered the composition of several suitable expressions. " Your Pana timan"Meant" to practice male homosexuality "(49); “To subject the work of Pan” denoted the act by which several men honored a single woman (50); Euripides calls the rape of a pure young girl “ panos gamos ” (51). Impressed with extreme savagery, Pan's sexuality in fact presented all the characteristics of madness. According to a character from Aristophanes, he could drive the entire population of a city ithyphallic and mad. In the case of Menander, the passion that Pan inspires in the young Sostratus for the daughter of Cnemon comes from possession (52).
Pan made many conquests (53), including that of Selene, whom he seduced under the guise of a ram, but also experienced failures: Pitys, Echo, Syrinx.
In the three corresponding myths, Pan presents himself as a musician and a dancer. To shed light on its meaning, we will first have to say a few words about what music and dance represented for the peoples of antiquity and in particular those of Egypt, where four deities presided over this art (Thot, Horus, Osiris and Hathor) and where, as indicated above, Pan would originate. The framework of our presentation will be constituted by the theory of the French musicologist Jules Combarieu (1859-1916) on the origin and the evolution of music, by virtue of which this one knew three great phases, the first magic, the second nun, the third secular (54).
Technically, music, like poetry, derives from the magical incantation (55). Magic, according to ancient authors, originated in Persia and Egypt, from where it passed to the Jews and, later, into Greek civilization. Among the Persians, according to Herodotus (I, 23), the magus was responsible for interpreting a special song without which it was not allowed to sacrifice. Among the Egyptians, the word " hosion"(" Sacramental conjuration ") designated certain incantatory formulas in the sense of" song "(56) which bewitches (57). The purpose of the magical incantations was to cure illnesses, to act on animals, on people and things and time, to provoke or thwart love, to produce pregnancy, to suspend or hasten childbirth, to produce amnesia, evoke ghosts, bring the dead back to life, appease demons, drive them away or, on the contrary, evoke them in order to harm others. But the magic song ends up degenerating. In the first state which had been that of the incantation, "(the) morality of the operator was of no importance. But the repeated failures to which this chimerical duel between man and the Invisible Spirits ends,soon oblige man to realize his weakness and to lower his ambition. A second state follows then the first: it is that of the 'mortal' who has the feeling of the limits imposed on his power and who does their part to the gods, as to more powerful and dangerous rivals, without believing himself to be obligated. towards them by a moral duty ”. The latter state is represented by the use of sung prayer, which, however, is not yet conceived in the theistic sense of work of humility and adoration. Sung prayer, in pre-Christian antiquity, “is never an act of moral sanctification; it always has a practical and self-serving purpose ”(58).as to more powerful and dangerous rivals, without believing itself to be obliged to them by a moral duty ”. The latter state is represented by the use of sung prayer, which, however, is not yet conceived in the theistic sense of work of humility and adoration. Sung prayer, in pre-Christian antiquity, “is never an act of moral sanctification; it always has a practical and self-serving purpose ”(58).as to more powerful and dangerous rivals, without believing itself to be obliged to them by a moral duty ”. The latter state is represented by the use of sung prayer, which, however, is not yet conceived in the theistic sense of work of humility and adoration. Sung prayer, in pre-Christian antiquity, “is never an act of moral sanctification; it always has a practical and self-serving purpose ”(58).it always has a practical and self-serving purpose ”(58).it always has a practical and self-serving purpose ”(58).
Thoth, Horus and Hathor would represent music in its first (magical) phase, the first two in its Demetrian aspect, the third in its aphrodisian aspect, while Thoth would also represent it in its second (scientific-religious) phase. Brother of Osiris and related to Apollo as god of light, sun and identical to Bacchus, Horus was the god of harmony (59). Of all the gods he was the one that the practitioner, the magician, most often evoked to cure a patient (60). Thoth, for his part, "created the universe, not by thought or by gesture, but by voice alone. He opened his mouth, he uttered sounds with the right voice, and from his lips, as created by the power of song, came four other gods who organized the world ”(61). He was the lord of the voice,the master of words and books, the possessor or the inventor of the magical writings which nothing can resist on earth, in heaven and in Hades […] All the beings to whom he communicates the incantations with the right voice, become masters of the universe [...] The words and the voice exerted, in fact, a creative power that nothing exceeded: they did not remain immaterial when they came out of the living lips, but they took, so to speak, in tangible substances, in bodies themselves animated with life and creative virtues, in gods and goddesses who in turn created ”(62). Very early in the day, song, music, words and dance were united. Dance obeys two of the essential laws of magic: mimicry and repetition. By imitating the person, the thing or the animal which is the subject of their evolutions,the dancers exercise power over him (63); and this is why it is said that Thoth had taught men the "art of convenience in the movements of the body" (64). Hathor, as for her, mother and nurse of all the gods, sometimes daughter, sometimes wife, sometimes still mother of Ra, of which she is "the eye", female power conceived as principle of the wet element, associated, in a report ofdomination, to male power as the creative principle of the universe, taught women: it presided over both motherhood, eroticism, love and prostitution as well as the activities (dance and music) that were linked to these last three functions (65). His cult, which was of a high antiquity, mixed orgiastic practices and fertility rituals to the sound of syrinxes, Basque drums, cymbals and rattlesnakes. “[The] dominant idea seems to be that of violent action exercised in agreement with or against natural forces; the excitement of the demonstrators ends up making them see the demons or the spirits which preside there and to put them in a way in contact, in communion with them. The Bacchic orgy would have had the same character; it was not intended to represent a fait accompli,to rejoice at the birth or to lament the death of the god of vegetation, but rather to exercise a sort of magical action, witchcraft, in order to obtain fertility in the year to come ”(66).
The dance being, like the music, considered as being of divine origin, it arrived, second phase of the evolution of the music, that it was related, according to the principles of astronomy, to the laws of the world. The astronomical dance, of which the Egyptians pass for the inventors, proposed "to represent the celestial movements and the harmony of the universe; the movement of the world being circular, we danced in circles around the altar, placed in the middle of the temple like the sun in the middle of the celestial sphere; we thus reproduced the zodiacal circle, that is to say the series of twelve signs in which the star of the day makes its annual revolution ”(67). What makes it possible to link Thoth to the scientific-religious phase of music is that, the Egyptians, according to Diodorus of Sicily (I, 16) attributed to him, not only the invention of arithmetic, geometry and surveying, but also the discovery of the art of building instruments as well as the laws of music, by the observation of "the order of the revolutions of the stars, and (of) the harmony produced by voices and natural sounds" (Diodorus Sicily, I, 16). In the conceptions of the Egyptians, music was therefore brought into contact with astronomy; "To know music," Thot said to Asclepius, "is to know the order of all things, and the place assigned to these things by the divinity" (68); "[It] seems," says Plato, "that as the eyes were made for astronomy, the ears were made for harmonic movements, and that these two sciences, astronomy and music, are sisters, like say the Pythagoreans… ”(69), in whom, moreover, music was a scientific speculation, a branch of mathematics: harmonic science, also called harmony of the spheres:“[…] The same musical formulas expressed the system of sounds and the system of the universe. The interval of the intonations was related to the distance of the stars between them, as the movements of these were related to the harmonic laws of music ”(70). The Egyptian priests recognized seven main sounds, which they made correspond to the seven vowels of the Egyptian language and to the seven planets; to each of them they came to assign a day and thus formed the week (71). It is precisely from seven pipes of different lengths that the syrinx is formed. By playing, as an Orphic hymn says, of this “playful flute”, Pan “tunes” the seven planets and maintains universal harmony (72). In this theory, Pan, being conceived as the engine of the universe so to speak, was placed in the middle of the zodiac,either playing the chalumeau in front of a burning altar surmounted by a star, on which rests with its front legs a goat straight on its hind legs, or playing the double flute seated near a tree (73). As Aegypan, Pan was represented by the constellation Capricorn, in the form of a goat with a fishtail (74).
The laws of music came to be identified, not only with the laws of the world, but with those of the moral life of man, with those which enable him to conform to life in society. This drop in level is illustrated by the myth according to which Osiris would have brought civilization and happiness everywhere without resorting to armed force, but by "attracting and winning most peoples by gentle persuasions and remonstrances hidden in songs and in all kinds of ways. music ”(75). In Egypt, if music was part of the education of priests and of certain people attached to the service of kings, it was nonetheless, according to Diodorus of Sicily (I, 81, 92), illegal for the nobles of the 'to learn, because it was considered "not only as useless, but as harmful,because it irritates the soul and makes men effeminate ”(76). On the contrary, for Plato, it constitutes a privileged instrument for the education of the soul in social harmony, on condition of being subordinated to song (77). For the Pythagoreans too, music is "one of the purest forms of the exposition of moral ideas" (78). In the classical period, the young Greek, whose body it was a question of developing the body, but also the mind, after having learned to read and write, learned to play an instrument, flute or lyre, with a citharist; musical education was held in such high esteem that those who did not know how to tune an instrument drew mockery (79). The intellectual and moral education of the young Greek continued, at the end of his adolescence, under the aegis of Dionysus,god reputed to have civilized and liberated men through theater and music. The musical art had penetrated the theater, which was still religious and was becoming institutionalized. It was at this time that the incantation "[turned] into socially organized religious lyricism" (80). In the choral performances and lyrical dramas to which the great Dionysias were dedicated, the imitation of divine legends was thus gradually replaced by the imitation of human legends and that of real life, for the sake of edification (81) . In the tragedy, to Aristotle's regret, the choir, made up of "mere mortals, took more and more precedence over the actors, who represented heroes. The tragedy became a completely secular entertainment (82).who was still religious and was becoming institutionalized. It was at this time that the incantation "[turned] into socially organized religious lyricism" (80). In the choral performances and lyrical dramas to which the great Dionysias were dedicated, the imitation of divine legends was thus gradually replaced by the imitation of human legends and that of real life, for the sake of edification (81) . In the tragedy, to Aristotle's regret, the choir, made up of "mere mortals, took more and more precedence over the actors, who represented heroes. The tragedy became a completely secular entertainment (82).who was still religious and was becoming institutionalized. It was at this time that the incantation "[turned] into socially organized religious lyricism" (80). In the choral performances and lyrical dramas to which the great Dionysias were dedicated, the imitation of divine legends was thus gradually replaced by the imitation of human legends and that of real life, for the sake of edification (81) . In the tragedy, to Aristotle's regret, the choir, made up of "mere mortals, took more and more precedence over the actors, who represented heroes. The tragedy became a completely secular entertainment (82).In the choral performances and lyrical dramas to which the great Dionysias were dedicated, the imitation of divine legends was thus gradually replaced by the imitation of human legends and that of real life, for the sake of edification (81) . In the tragedy, to Aristotle's regret, the choir, made up of "mere mortals, took more and more precedence over the actors, who represented heroes. The tragedy became a completely secular entertainment (82).In the choral performances and lyrical dramas to which the great Dionysias were dedicated, the imitation of divine legends was thus gradually replaced by the imitation of human legends and that of real life, for the sake of edification (81) . In the tragedy, to Aristotle's regret, the choir, made up of "mere mortals, took more and more precedence over the actors, who represented heroes. The tragedy became a completely secular entertainment (82).The tragedy became a completely secular entertainment (82).The tragedy became a completely secular entertainment (82).
Of course, music was, from quite an early date, an enjoyment, as the following passage from Diodorus of Sicily (I, 35) (83) illustrates in a way: "While Osiris was in Ethiopia, it is said that he was presented with a race of satyrs whose loins are covered with hair, and that he admitted them to his train; for, a friend of joy and taking pleasure in musical choirs, he had with him a large troop of musicians. In the midst of this troop, we distinguished nine young girls skilled in the art of singing and possessing various sciences. The Greeks gave the name of Muses to these virgins, and placed them under the leadership of Apollo, who took the name of Musagele. Osiris received in his procession these satyrs, whose dance, songs and games enlivened the moments devoted to rest ”. If in Egyptas we have seen previously, it was forbidden to teach music publicly, it was not forbidden to members of the ruling classes, whose musical instruction was limited to the few songs they had learned by heart from the mouth priests and who "never believed that it suited their rank to acquire the slightest skill in this genre by themselves" (84), to admit music in their public and private entertainment and to receive at home the musicians who could distract them and whom they paid generously. After the conquest of the country by Alexander and the transformation of Alexandria into a cosmopolitan and, therefore, intellectual and commercial capital,the taste for music increased and musicians sometimes acquired such a great influence that it was through them that one sought to obtain from kings and queens the favors and the most sought-after jobs (85). The Ptolemies strongly protected and encouraged music and in particular the art of the flute. Nero before his time, the eleventh of the Ptolemies, a cruel prince, debauched and cowardly, was not afraid to appear in public in clothes similar to those of flautists (86). The Alexandrians especially were trained in playing the flute, to such a point that "the man of the lowest class of the people, the one who did not even know his letters, immediately seized the slightest mistake that one could commit, either by plucking the zither, or by playing the flute.The art of playing the flute was brought to such a degree of perfection in the city of Alexandria, that the Alexandrian flute players were sought after and called upon from all parts, one was happy to own them; we never thought we were paying too dear for their art; their fame and glory were celebrated by poets ”(87).
In Greece, the aedes, who were originally priests from Thrace, were usually attached to a court - similarly, in Egypt, most musicians were attached to a patron or a nobleman, a temple or a temple. palace (88). At the time of the Trojan War, “(poetic inspiration) blows everywhere. There is no country which does not have its aedes. They still sing of the gods, but above all they celebrate the glory of the heroes: they charm the guests of kings with marvelous tales, and they already prelude to the splendid creations of the epic. All minds are open to these delicate pleasures: the peoples are no less sensitive to them than the pastors of the peoples themselves. The aede is no longer a god, nor the son of a god: he no longer gives birth to the miracles of the aedes of old; but he is still a divine man,and universal respect surrounds the favorite of Apollo and the Muses. Ulysses massacres all the pursuers of Penelope; he inflicts the same fate on unfaithful servants; but he leaves life to the aède who had sung in these feasts where the heritage of the absent was devoured. Agamemnon, on his way to Troy, entrusts the care of Clytemnestra to a devoted elder; and Aegisthus only succeeds in corrupting Agamemnon's wife by removing the guardian from her virtue. After kings and heroes, after priests and diviners, interpreters of divine wills, or rather beside them, the aedes dominate, with all the height of genius and thought, the peat of free men and slaves "(89). They also exceeded it by their vanity, which the institution of the music competitions at the beginning of the sixth century before our era,a time when they seem to have been replaced to some extent by rhapsodists, must not have appeased. In the classical period, the public archives transmitted to posterity the names of the great musicians; statues were raised to them (90).
After giving an overview of the functions of music and the status of musicians in ancient Egypt and Greece, we can proceed to examine the myths relating to Pan as a musician and dancer.
At Theocritus, Properce, Longus and Lucien, the nymph Pitys, loved and pursued both by Pan and by Boreas, gave her preference to Pan, so that the latter, in anger, threw her from the top of a rock. Gaia, seized with pity, changed it into a pine tree, that is to say, if we are allowed this neologism, cybélisa (91). Since that time, it is said, the pine has been animated by the same feelings that the virgin had for her two lovers; he crowns Pan with his foliage: he moans when Borée blows (92); and it sheds tears (the resin which it lets flow and which settles on its trunk or on its branches, when it is agitated by the north wind). The rustle of the wind in the branches of the forest is repeated by the echo of the mountains.
Hera, realizing that one of the nymphs in her suite was trying, by her babble, to occupy her attention while Jupiter was in pursuit of the nymphs, punished her, turning her into an echo, "that is- that is to say in a person who is not master of his language, who does not know how to speak first, who cannot be silent when one speaks to him, who only repeats the last sounds of the voice that he hears » (93). “Perhaps,” suggests the author of these lines, the imagination of the Latin poet [Ovid] had something in this too spiritual explanation ”(94). According to an older fable, which the Greeks may have invented to explain the origin of this acoustic phenomenon which occurs in the mountains, where they believed the nymphs to dwell, Echo was "a beautiful virgin, fed and raised by the Nymphs,instructed by the Muses in the art of song, the flute and the syrinx; a friend of solitude, she fled the society of gods and men and refused their love. The god Pan, jealous of his musical talent, irritated at not being able to enjoy her beauty, one day animated with furious madness all the shepherds of the country, who rushed on the virgin, tore her to pieces and scattered her limbs by the whole earth. Gaea collected and buried his remains. Since that time, Echo no longer has a fixed residence; she is everywhere. But, in the midst of death, she retained the musical gift, the ability to imitate and reproduce all the sounds that strike her ears ”(95). In the Orphic Hymn to Pan, which predates theshe fled the society of gods and men and refused their love. The god Pan, jealous of his musical talent, irritated at not being able to enjoy her beauty, one day animated with furious madness all the shepherds of the country, who rushed on the virgin, tore her to pieces and scattered her limbs by the whole earth. Gaea collected and buried his remains. Since that time, Echo no longer has a fixed residence; she is everywhere. But, in the midst of death, she retained the musical gift, the ability to imitate and reproduce all the sounds that strike her ears ”(95). In the Orphic Hymn to Pan, which predates theshe fled the society of gods and men and refused their love. The god Pan, jealous of his musical talent, irritated at not being able to enjoy her beauty, one day animated with furious madness all the shepherds of the country, who rushed on the virgin, tore her to pieces and scattered her limbs by the whole earth. Gaea collected and buried his remains. Since that time, Echo no longer has a fixed residence; she is everywhere. But, in the midst of death, she retained the musical gift, the ability to imitate and reproduce all the sounds that strike her ears ”(95). In the Orphic Hymn to Pan, which predates thewho fell upon the virgin, tore her to pieces, and scattered her limbs throughout the earth. Gaea collected and buried his remains. Since that time, Echo no longer has a fixed residence; she is everywhere. But, in the midst of death, she retained the musical gift, the ability to imitate and reproduce all the sounds that strike her ears ”(95). In the Orphic Hymn to Pan, which predates thewho fell upon the virgin, tore her to pieces, and scattered her limbs throughout the earth. Gaea collected and buried his remains. Since that time, Echo no longer has a fixed residence; she is everywhere. But, in the midst of death, she retained the musical gift, the ability to imitate and reproduce all the sounds that strike her ears ”(95). In the Orphic Hymn to Pan, which predates theMetamorphosisas well as in the writings of Longus, Pan is described as the one "who [loves] […] [to mingle in the dances of the nymphs, [he] of echo the accomplice"; complicity which is found in Nonnus, according to whom, at the beginning of the battle between the Indians and the army of Dionysus, whom Pan had accompanied in India, “syrinx which leads the army mixes its 130 accents; leaving its rocky voice, the Echo of Pan becomes Echo of the sea; it sends back the warlike echoes which it repeats last ”(96). The bond that unites Pan to Syrinx is the same that unites him to Pitys and Echo. “In the valleys, the whistling of the zephyr through the reeds taught the men of the fields, as Lucretia says, to swell with hollow torches. Pan is therefore a musical god, the inventor of the syrinx. The shepherd's blowtorch became, in mythology, the nymph Syrinx who,pursued by Pan, rushed into the course of the Ladon: in the place where she had fallen, reeds grew which the god cut to make an instrument to which he gave the name of his beloved '. When the distant rustle of the wind which whistles through the pine forests of Menale reached the ears of the Arcadian shepherds, it was the music of Pan that they thought they heard ”(97).
If, as the nineteenth-century French Hellenist Paul Decharme suspects, Ovid's imagination “perhaps […] had somewhere in [the] too spiritual explanation” of the Echo myth, perhaps he himself lets go as he fancies, identifying Pan with a wind so little in touch with the violent character of this divinity as the "sweet zephyr". At Nonnus de Panopolis, where (II, 115-119) Pitys, closely associated with Syrinx and Echo (98), not only is not in love with Pan, but also rejects him, no mention is made of Boreas , even if “its absence is […] compensated by the fact that Pitys appears as a companion of the breezes” (99) and Pan, implicitly, as a representation of strong winds. In fact, “[i] n general, Mythology has symbolized, by the goat (norr. Buckr, hitting; cf. lat. pugnus , fist; pugna , combat), the sudden and violent gust of wind; all the more so since these gusts of wind are as sudden and capricious as the leaps and blows of the horns of the goats. Also the squalls which rise frequently and unexpectedly in the mountains of Arcadia, were, in Greek Mythology, personified in the god Pan, who was represented in the form of a goat, and whose name, derived and contracted from Païan (p. Pavians , Heurtant; cf. lat. pavio, to strike), also indicated well the wind which strikes, and the goat giving the blows of horn. It is, as Personification of gusts of wind, that the god Pan is said to be the Lover of the Echo (which responds to blows of air or wind), and that he plays the Syrinx, a wind instrument, cave symbol (gr. Suringes) of Arcadia, which resounded when the squalls came to engulf it ”(100). The syrinx as well as the echo can be considered as extensions of Pan - in the Homeric Hymn to Pan, this one seems to be presented as the very source of the acoustic phenomenon of the echo (101) -, extensions - due to of the ithyphallic character of the pipes from which the syrinx is formed (102) - of a sexual nature. Pan uses it in a way as bait to hide the fury of his desire from his prey. The preference that the stupid Midas gives to Pan over Apollo at the end of the famous musical joust between them, however, suggests that the lure is as coarse as the sound of the flute is soft. “Ironically, we note, the flute, symbol of frustrated and sublimated pre-marital desire,was performed during prenuptial rites of passage for young girls (103). It was a matter of making them fertile, but also, perhaps, of preparing them for the Bacchanalia, for the ceremonies of which, says Abbé Bertrand, "married women and commendable by their seriousness presided ..." (104), where the drums were struck by the hands of the women (105) and that of the priests, while the latter “[also] […] the cymbals with a concave circuit, [striking] with terror the spirit [of the sectarians ] by the hoarse and menacing sound of the cornet united with the accents of the high flute ”(106); and, why not, to the orgies of Bendis and Cotito, or Cotys, celebrated in Thrace and which seem to have been reserved for women (107). “The muse Euterpe brings a flute to her mouth. Aristotle says in theIt was a matter of making them fertile, but also, perhaps, of preparing them for the Bacchanalia, for the ceremonies of which, says Abbé Bertrand, "married women and commendable by their seriousness presided ..." (104), where the drums were struck by the hands of the women (105) and that of the priests, while the latter “[also] […] the cymbals with a concave circuit, [striking] with terror the spirit [of the sectarians ] by the hoarse and menacing sound of the cornet united with the accents of the high flute ”(106); and, why not, to the orgies of Bendis and Cotito, or Cotys, celebrated in Thrace and which seem to have been reserved for women (107). “The muse Euterpe brings a flute to her mouth. Aristotle says in theIt was a matter of making them fertile, but also, perhaps, of preparing them for the Bacchanalia, for the ceremonies of which, says Abbé Bertrand, "married women and commendable by their seriousness presided ..." (104), where the drums were struck by the hands of the women (105) and that of the priests, while the latter “[also] […] the cymbals with a concave circuit, [striking] with terror the spirit [of the sectarians ] by the hoarse and menacing sound of the cornet united with the accents of the high flute ”(106); and, why not, to the orgies of Bendis and Cotito, or Cotys, celebrated in Thrace and which seem to have been reserved for women (107). “The muse Euterpe brings a flute to her mouth. Aristotle says in the"Married women and commendable by their gravity presided over ..." (104), where the drums were struck by the hands of the women (105) and that of the priests, while they "[made] resound [also] [...] the cymbals with a concave circuit, [striking] the mind [of the cultists] with terror by the hoarse and threatening sound of the cornet united with the accents of the acute flute ”(106); and, why not, to the orgies of Bendis and Cotito, or Cotys, celebrated in Thrace and which seem to have been reserved for women (107). “The muse Euterpe brings a flute to her mouth. Aristotle says in the"Married women and commendable by their gravity presided over ..." (104), where the drums were struck by the hands of the women (105) and that of the priests, while they "[made] resound [also] [...] the cymbals with a concave circuit, [striking] the mind [of the cultists] with terror by the hoarse and threatening sound of the cornet united with the accents of the acute flute ”(106); and, why not, to the orgies of Bendis and Cotito, or Cotys, celebrated in Thrace and which seem to have been reserved for women (107). “The muse Euterpe brings a flute to her mouth. Aristotle says in the[striking] with terror the spirit [of the sectarians] by the hoarse and threatening sound of the cornet united with the accents of the acute flute ”(106); and, why not, to the orgies of Bendis and Cotito, or Cotys, celebrated in Thrace and which seem to have been reserved for women (107). “The muse Euterpe brings a flute to her mouth. Aristotle says in the[striking] with terror the spirit [of the sectarians] by the hoarse and threatening sound of the cornet united with the accents of the acute flute ”(106); and, why not, to the orgies of Bendis and Cotito, or Cotys, celebrated in Thrace and which seem to have been reserved for women (107). “The muse Euterpe brings a flute to her mouth. Aristotle says in thePolicy that the muse has her mouth occupied and her hands occupied, just like a prostitute who inflates with the help of her lips and her fingers the physis of her client in order to raise it to the lower part of her belly, so that he emits his seed ”(108). Erato who, as previously stated, had been the priestess of an oracle in a temple dedicated to Pan on the side of Mount Akakésion (109), was the mousa of erotic poetry and mimicry.
Lyres and zither, straight, transverse or double flutes, or again, from the New Kingdom (110), drums and guitars, such were the main instruments that were found in Egypt and also, apart from the guitar, in Greece (111). The flute, to which we will focus here (112), is certainly one of the very first musical instruments introduced in Egypt (113), where Herodotus (II, 69 and 48) says he heard it played at the festivals of Bubastis and , by men and women, at the orgiastic festivals of Bacchus-Osiris (114). Music, it has been said, has its origin in the particular taste, special to man, of noisy demonstrations (115), a taste which had made Pan the minister and companion of Cybele - the panpipe was an attribute of Attis (116), consort of Cybele and an attribute of Dionysus (117).The temple priests walked to the sound of the flute and the people were called to ceremonies and sacrifices by the sound, either of loto flutes, or of a horn-shaped instrument, the invention of which was attributed to Osiris. According to legend, music, or at least the study of music, had been introduced to Greece (118) by the companions of Cadmus, called Curetes in Phenicia and Corybantes in Phrygia, after Rhea had brought from Phenicia to Crete this son of Agénor, king of Tire, to watch over and educate the young Zeus. In L'had been introduced in Greece (118) by the companions of Cadmus, called Curetes in Phenicia and Corybantes in Phrygia, after Rhea had brought from Phenicia to Crete this son of Agénor, king of Tire, to watch over and educate the young Zeus. In L'had been introduced in Greece (118) by the companions of Cadmus, called Curetes in Phenicia and Corybantes in Phrygia, after Rhea had brought from Phenicia to Crete this son of Agénor, king of Tire, to watch over and educate the young Zeus. In L'Iliad and in the Odyssey, the music serves as accompaniment to the song; there is no mention of instrumental music. The Dactyli, since such is the name which was given to the companions of Cadmus in Crete, made pass the flute in the Greek music and this one in the worship of the Greek divinities. The flute was used from the outset in the celebration of the worship of the mother goddess on Mount Ida as well as in other mountainous regions of the country (119). The flute comes at the top of the instruments banned by Aristotle, on the grounds that it "is not a moral instrument" and that it "is only good for arousing the passions" (120). Now, it is very interesting that, according to Horapollo, “flute”, in Egyptian, designates an “insane man”, while a word of the same family designates mental alienation (121).
It is quite remarkable that, in antiquity, mental alienation as well as the appearances and the frightening phenomena which could cause it were sometimes attributed to the anger of Pan (122). Pan was even considered to be the cause of nightmares (123) and, according to Artemidorus of Daldis (2nd century CE) (I, 37), he was later equated with the demon Ephialtês (nightmare), because “terror panics ( 124) holds the middle ground between hallucination and nightmare ”(125): a waking nightmare. In most nightmare or hallucination myths, these states are attributed to the influence of satyrs or goat-shaped demons and have a very pronounced sexual character. The expression of "panic terror" would come from what Pan, in the war of the Titans against Jupiter,used a sea conch as a trumpet to frighten them (126). Whoever is terrorized by Pan is toldpanoleptos , its symptoms are those of epilepsy (127). The Greeks believed that goats were particularly prone to epilepsy and that eating goat meat and wearing goat skin clothing favored the development of this nervous disease (128). Epilepsy was considered a special form of theolepsy. It could be inflicted by Pan, the mother goddess or other deities, but never by Apollo, Eros, the nymphs or the muses (129).
In the Cratyle, Socrates examines two opposing positions concerning language, that of the disciple of Heraclitus, who “claims that everything has a name of its own and is appropriate to it by its nature, and that the name is not a conventional sign formed of articulated sounds ”and that of Hermogenes, for whom the accuracy of names is only a matter of convention. To Cratylus he replies that the relation of words to things is fluctuating and that these can therefore be misleading, while to Hermogenes he suggests the opposite, namely that the words correspond to the things they express. Then he etymologically examines a hundred words, common and proper, including, with regard to the latter, "Pan" and "Hermes". According to him, "Hermès" comes from " éïréïn"(" To speak ") and" Pan "means" all "," all things ", following in the footsteps of the philosophers of the Pythagorean school, the first who were interested in etymology, who had identified Pan with the 'universality of things by virtue of a pun on pan , neuter singular of the adjective pas("All") (130). Hence Socrates characterizes Hermes as the inventor of language and of speech and Pan, his son, as the word or the brother of the word, in a tirade which is not far from also making the god the father of sophists: " Well, but it seems to relate to speech, this name of Hermes; the characters of interpreter, of messenger, of skillful thief, of speech deceiver and of skillful merchant, it is to the power of speech that all this activity is attached […] To speak ( éïréïn ) is to make use of speech, and the word Homer uses in many places - mesato (he imagined), he said, that word is equivalent to machining. It is according to these two elements that the one who imagined the language and the discourse - [or, Légéïn , c'est éïréïn] - this god of which we speak, the legislator prescribes us, so to speak, to call him: "O men, he said to us, he who imagined the word ( to éïréin émêsato ), it is with good reason that you would call Eiremes. But we think we embellish his name by calling him Hermes (131). "
What is interesting here is Socrates dual nature of Pan, brother speech or speech. Like Pan, half-man, half-goat, the logos unites two natures. “… [T] he true part of the word has something smooth and divine about it, it resides above among the Gods; the false part lives here below in most men, it is rude and has the nature of the goat… (132) ”. But the distinction does not take long to fade in favor of one of those semantic sleight of hand with which Socrates is accustomed. " The goat,tragos , is a foul and hideous animal. But from the tragos came the tragedy, tragedia , a sort of poem in which the expression of myths (at least this is Plato's opinion) rises to the highest point of nobility. So the absolute distinction of the two natures, the express disapproval of one, the exclusive praise of the other, are still only illusions ... ”(133). All things considered, therefore, divine things and earthly things, truth and falsehood, are the same. Hence the hypothesis that the logos of the Cratylus constitutes the first formulation of the logos of the cosmogony of the hermetic books (134): "What is above corresponds to what is below and what is below corresponds to what is. up. "
In the etymology that Socrates gives of Pan (everything), the archaeologist and philologist Georg Friedrich Creuzer (1771-1856) sees an allusion to the symbol of universal substance which was that of the Egyptian divinity with which the Arcadian divinity had been identified. by Herodotus and therefore considers, even if nothing appears in the invocation that Socrates makes to this divinity at the end of Phaedrus (135), that he has grasped the higher cosmological aspect, particularly manifest in the Hymn to Pan. This hymn is part of the texts dealing with theological subjects that were widespread in Greece, from the 6th century BC, under the name of the most famous aedes, including Orpheus (hence they received the name of Orphic hymns). Their authors had for goal to upset the Greek religion, by introducing mystical and ascetic ideas which were attached to the religious traditions of Phrygia, Phenicia, Syria, Assyria, Persia, Egypt and India and were unknown to the Greeks, except to those initiated into the mysteries, in which the corresponding doctrines were taught (136).
Here is the Hymn to Pan: “I invoke Pan, universal substance of the world, of the sky, of the deep sea, of the earth of various shapes and of the imperishable flame. These are just scattered members of Pan. Pan with goat's feet, wandering god, master of storms, who makes the stars roll and whose voice represents the eternal concerts of the world, god loved by herdsmen and pastors who love clear fountains, quick god who lives in the hills, friend of sound, beloved god of the nymphs, god who engenders all things, procreative power of the universe, inhabiting dens, irascible god, armed with goat horns by the will of Jupiter; it is on you that the solid limits of the generating earth rest, the noisy waves of the eternal sea and the ocean which envelops the earth with its salty waves;it is in you that rests a portion of the air and the fire, powerful element of all things, base of the eternal flame; all the divine elements are subject to you: your powerful orders change the laws of nature, and you can increase the number of life years of mortals at your convenience. Almighty father, triumphant father, accept these libations; allow my life to have a just and favorable end, and remove from the limits of the earth all panicked terrors (137). "In another Orphic text (138), Pan is called" Almighty Nature, alive for all, eternal virgin, infinite end of all things, common to all and unknown in its secret depths, born of itself without a father, carrying in oneself all the divinities, father and mother of all ”. As the principle of the universal generation of beings,Pan was also called Phanès (139). Most often, however, in the Orphic fragments, it is Jupiter, the androgynous Pelasgic Jupiter, who is substituted for Pan and Nature: “Jupiter, the god who commands lightning, unites all the gods in him; Jupiter is the first and the last, the beginning and the center of everything, and nothing has been done without Jupiter. Jupiter is the immortal father and mother of nature; the earth and the starry sky have no other source and no other base than Jupiter. Jupiter is the breath that animates the world, the soul of fire that spreads everywhere. Jupiter is the source of the sea, he is the sun and the moon. Jupiter is the sovereign God, the true Father of all that is; He is the only strong, the only God, the great principle of all being, the Only Supreme Being, in whom everything is contained, fire as water,the earth as the air, the day as the night, and the Intelligence which preceded all things, and the Love which charms all (140). In yet other Orphic fragments, the supreme god is Dionysus (-Zagreus) (141), also a symbol of universal life, divine and sensitive personification of the soul of the world.
What characterizes Orphic theology is therefore a mystical-rationalist background, a pantheism coupled with a strong monotheistic tendency (142), a cosmogony in which mythical accounts are only a pretext for scientific conjunctures (143), a morality founded at the same time on asceticism and eudemonism and a palingenesis doctrine of the future life.
The whole of Orphic thought can be qualified as rationalist, on the one hand, because it is in line with the effort undertaken by Hesiod to resolve the problem of the origins of the world and of man and to systematize a cosmogony in which, at the time he composed, the greatest chaos reigned, due to the proliferation of often disparate myths (144) and, on the other hand, because he was at the origin of the spirit criticism, which itself gave birth to historical thought (145).
The pantheism of the Orphics is mystical-scientific in the sense that they "brought the gods back to the elements from which they were born, fire, water, air, sun, moon, day, night, stars. So they said that the primitive physical agents had given birth to the divine generations. All these cosmic elements being born from the creative and eternal principle, the gods were therefore reduced, in the final analysis, to a single god or single cause, the beginning, the middle and the end of all beings. This god was conceived as widespread throughout the universe; it was a pantheistic divinity which merged with the soul of the world ”and which bore different names, among others, as we have just seen, Pan, Zeus, Dionysos (146). The monotheistic pantheism of the Orphic doctrine was summed up in formulas such as "Zeus is one,Hades is one, Helios is one, Dionysus is one; there is one god in all things ”or“ Zeus is the first, Zeus with a flash of lightning is the last; Zeus is the head, Zeus is the middle; everything comes from Zeus ”.
Seeing that the supreme divinity is the soul of the world, the vital principle the Orphics joined
a moral doctrine, whose dualism is also indicative of the many borrowings they made from the Phoenician-Syrian and therefore Semitic religious traditions (147). "Just as the principle of life which leads all beings to their development and to their end, the principle of good consequently, is personified in the god, so all that hinders their progress is represented by his enemies, the Titans . For Hesiod and for Homer, the Titans were the natural forces in their primitive, brutal and disorderly expansion; they had been tamed, but not destroyed by the intelligent power of Jupiter: by becoming the enemies of Bacchus, this second Jupiter, they only represent the energy of evil, hateful and evil passions. The history of the world is therefore summed up in the struggle of Bacchus and the Titans,of the two contrary principles which it originally contains in itself ”(148). Man reproduces this mixture of good and evil of which the world is composed, because, according to another Orphic myth, he was born from the ashes of the Titans, who, after devouring the limbs of Dionysus, were consumed by lightning. Now these ashes contained fragments of the substance of the god. Man therefore has a double origin: mortal and immortal. it is a mixture of Bacchus and the Titans, of good and of evil. “Hence the moral doctrine of Orphism. it is necessary to nourish in oneself, to release, to purify this divine and good element which is buried there under the mass of the impure and bad substance; it is necessary to consecrate oneself to Bacchus, to fill oneself with his divinity, to dedicate oneself to his law, in order to arrive with his help to this fullness of moral life and, consequently,to that bliss of which he is the source ”(149). The human soul, immortal, tends to regain its original purity. In the meantime, she is condemned to earthly life, imprisoned in a body, which is her tomb. “As long as she remained imprisoned in her envelope, she looked like the dead man at the bottom of the tomb, the prisoner in his dungeon. Conceived in this way, life presented itself to the Orphics under an aspect very different from that which it had for the Greeks of Homeric times. From the moment that the soul was regarded as imprisoned in the body, it had to be admitted that it suffered punishment; life therefore offered itself as a punishment inflicted for previous offenses, for sins committed in another existence; and, on leaving its envelope, the soul had to pass into other bodies and go through a whole cycle of existences,intended to purify it gradually ”(150). The theory of palingenesis, which belongs to a movement of religious ideas born in post-Vedic India, had reached Assyria and Egypt, then Greece, where Pythagoras, who had borrowed it from the Syrian cosmogonies Phoenicians, popularized it (151). Orphism made it its own in all its egalitarian connotations (152).
Here below, therefore, man had to think above all of freeing himself from the “circle of generation” and the only way for him to achieve this was to atone definitively for his sins. Hence the need for initiation, which alone, according to the Orphics, made it possible to understand their dogmas. “When the hour of death comes, the soul of the initiate will know how to guide itself in the Underworld, thanks to the instructions of the funeral ritual and the formulas that it will have learned. She will avoid the source of Lethe, where laymen are imprudent enough to quench their thirst; she will drink only from the invigorating spring of Mnemosyne. She will repeat the words which disarm the infernal gods and allow them to recognize the initiates. If she is completely purified, she will find favor before Dionysos-Hades and before Korah-Persephone; she will leave the 'generation circle' to mingle with the heroes,to return to the gods and become a divinity herself. If it has not yet erased the original stain, it will have to start a new earthly life; and, in the meantime, she will stay in the Underworld. But, during this interval between two existences, the soul of the initiate will already be privileged. In beautiful meadows and in the sacred groves of Persephone, she will lead a calm and pure life, brightened up by conversations and games, in the company of the underground gods. On the contrary, laymen will be plunged into a quagmire, in the midst of darkness. The criminals will be relegated to the depths of Tartarus, and no doubt tortured by demons; or else, like the Danaids, they will be condemned to constantly draw water from a sieve. Moreover, these hellish penalties, like the rewards of initiates, are only relative and temporary:the real punishment is in the indefinite return to earthly existences, as true bliss is in the return to heaven after complete atonement ”(153).
The central elements of the Orphic mysteries, which were celebrated at night, were as follows: “a series of purifications and prayers, notably a prayer in the form of a hymn in which a priest implored for all the assistance the protection of the gods; bloodless sacrifices and libations ( thuêpoliê , spondê , loibai , epiloibai ); the revelation or representation of sacred legends, such as the myth of Zagreus, the abduction of Persephone, or the descent into Hades ( ieroi logoi); finally, the rite of omophagy (154) and the revelation of the liturgical formulas which were to guide the soul to the Underworld ”(155), allow it to be recognized by the infernal divinities and thus to attain beatitude by merging with this "blessed race" (156). Two similar Orphic initiation formulas are of particular interest to our discussion: “- Fortunate and blessed, you will be god instead of mortal. - Kid, I fell into milk "and" From mortal, you became god; kid, you have fallen into milk ”(157); which “kid” seems to have to relate to Dionysos-Eriphios (158).
The Orphic teachings, according to Maury, entered the Mysteries and became their doctrine (159). They swarmed. Plato, while questioning the effectiveness of the Orphic purification rituals and even presenting the Orphic priests as impostors (160), recognized that their conception of the soul and of the post-mortem contained a kernel of truth, which he incorporated into his own exposition of the nature and destiny of the soul (161); it is not even his theory of love that has not been influenced by the Orphic conception of Eros as universal harmony, a force capable of reconciling opposites (162). The Orphic theogony then passed into the Neoplatonic school of Alexandria and, from there, into Orthodox Christianity, through the intermediary of Clement of Alexandria,already deeply influenced by Alexandrian Neoplatonism (as well as by Stoicism) (163).
There are indeed remarkable similarities between Christianity and Orphism, which were brought to light for the first time by the Italian archaeologist Vittorio Macchioro (1880–1958) (164). “Orphism,” he declares, “is indeed a revealed religion, which has its prophets and its holy books. Zagreus, his god, is a god whose martyrdom is followed by a resurrection. It is also a mystical resurrection, at the same time as the redemption of an original fault, which is promised to those who receive initiation. While the latter will live after death in union with the divinity, eternal torments are reserved for the uninitiated. Life is a test that we must go through by purifying ourselves through asceticism ”(165). In addition, like Christianity, Orphism taught the immortality of the soul and Providence and, in Europe,perhaps even before Pythagoreanism, with which it has many points in common (166). he was, as Voltaire did not fail to notice (167), the first doctrine to proclaim the existence of a unique and supreme god: “Walk in the path of justice, adore the only master of the universe; he is one, he is alone by himself, all beings owe their existence to him; he acts in them and through them; he sees everything, and he has never been seen with mortal eyes (168). But isn't orphanism pantheistic? He is ; but, contrary to a very widespread view, there is no solution of continuity between the pantheistic doctrine and the monotheistic doctrine: from the idea of ​​the existence of a soul of the universe, "an expression which alone sums up entire pantheism ”(169),must necessarily emerge that of the oneness of God and finally that of a single god.
During the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD, mainly due to the ever-increasing influx of oriental populations to Rome (170), there was a resurgence of pagan beliefs relating to the various oriental cults that had invaded it. at the beginning of the Empire and of which Christianity was an integral part. The mysteries, which had been neglected, came back in vogue, beginning with those of Eleusis. The mysteries of Mithras appeared and soon rivaled those of Isis and Serapis in importance. Under the influence of Alexandria, which became the main focus of literature and philosophy, the myth of Isis and Osiris, expanded and spiritualized, inflamed the imaginations and the hearts of those who, unable to live here below, were particularly inclined to believe in a life in the hereafter.The renewed mystical passion for the cult of Cybele can be explained in the same way. The magicians had taken over the philosophers. The cult of demons flourished. Founded by the philosopher Ammon Saccas (born at the end of the 2nd century AD), whose tradition has made an apostate Christian, Neoplatonism attempted to reconcile philosophical thought with the needs of the faith and, through its pantheism and dualism , anticipated Christian heresies. Against Christianity and Christians, the philosophers, neo-Platonists and others, drew up an indictment appealing to philosophical, religious, historical and literary arguments: their doctrine was considered incomprehensible, their morality impractical. Their faith was described as "The magicians had taken over the philosophers. The cult of demons flourished. Founded by the philosopher Ammon Saccas (born at the end of the 2nd century AD), whose tradition has made an apostate Christian, Neoplatonism attempted to reconcile philosophical thought with the needs of the faith and, through its pantheism and dualism , anticipated Christian heresies. Against Christianity and Christians, philosophers, neo-Platonists and others, drew up an indictment appealing to philosophical, religious, historical and literary arguments: their doctrine was deemed incomprehensible, their morality impracticable. Their faith was described as "The magicians had taken over the philosophers. The cult of demons flourished. Founded by the philosopher Ammon Saccas (born at the end of the 2nd century AD), whose tradition has made an apostate Christian, Neoplatonism attempted to reconcile philosophical thought with the needs of the faith and, through its pantheism and dualism , anticipated Christian heresies. Against Christianity and Christians, philosophers, neo-Platonists and others, drew up an indictment appealing to philosophical, religious, historical and literary arguments: their doctrine was deemed incomprehensible, their morality impracticable. Their faith was described as "Neoplatonism attempted to reconcile philosophical thought with the needs of faith and, through its pantheism and dualism, anticipated Christian heresies. Against Christianity and Christians, philosophers, neo-Platonists and others, drew up an indictment appealing to philosophical, religious, historical and literary arguments: their doctrine was deemed incomprehensible, their morality impracticable. Their faith was described as "Neoplatonism attempted to reconcile philosophical thought with the needs of faith and, through its pantheism and dualism, anticipated Christian heresies. Against Christianity and Christians, philosophers, neo-Platonists and others, drew up an indictment appealing to philosophical, religious, historical and literary arguments: their doctrine was deemed incomprehensible, their morality impracticable. Their faith was described as "their morality impracticable. Their faith was described as "their morality impracticable. Their faith was described as "insana ”and“ dementia», Their writings mocked for their plethora of ridiculous improbabilities, they were accused of neglecting the rites and consequently of being responsible for the evils and plagues that raged in the Empire, of being fools, ignorant, boors , scoundrels, sissies, magicians, to seek, by their fables, to set women against their husbands, children against their fathers, slaves against their masters. Their very manners were considered dissolute, even inhuman (171). “Those who continued to look to the East for the light of it seemed to say that it had not yet risen for the world; they proclaimed insufficient the divine answer which Judea had given to the impassioned questioning of the West two centuries before; they opposed the pagan East to the Christian East,and sought rival beliefs in the new religion as close as possible to its cradle. Thus the tendency which had been so favorable to the propagation of nascent Christianity ”, namely, on the one hand, philosophy, which had undermined the cult of the Hellenes before undermining the foundations of the mos mairorum and, on the other hand, the mystery cults, “quickly became an obstacle to its dissemination; the ally of the first days was transformed into an adversary ”(172). The Christians sought to muzzle him by negative apologetics, that is to say polemics. The time had not yet come when, with Christianity established as a state religion, it would be in a position to demand from the emperors the definitive closure of "pagan" temples.Thus the tendency which had been so favorable to the propagation of nascent Christianity ”, namely, on the one hand, philosophy, which had undermined the cult of the Hellenes before undermining the foundations of the mos mairorum and, on the other hand, the mystery cults, “quickly became an obstacle to its dissemination; the ally of the first days was transformed into an adversary ”(172). The Christians sought to muzzle him by negative apologetics, that is to say polemics. The time had not yet come when, with Christianity established as a state religion, it would be in a position to demand from the emperors the definitive closure of "pagan" temples.Thus the tendency which had been so favorable to the propagation of nascent Christianity ”, namely, on the one hand, philosophy, which had undermined the cult of the Hellenes before undermining the foundations of the mos mairorum and, on the other hand, the mystery cults, “quickly became an obstacle to its dissemination; the ally of the first days was transformed into an adversary ”(172). The Christians sought to muzzle him by negative apologetics, that is to say polemics. The time had not yet come when, with Christianity established as a state religion, it would be in a position to demand from the emperors the definitive closure of "pagan" temples.“Quickly became an obstacle to its dissemination; the ally of the first days was transformed into an adversary ”(172). The Christians sought to muzzle him by negative apologetics, that is to say polemics. The time had not yet come when, with Christianity established as a state religion, it would be in a position to demand from the emperors the definitive closure of "pagan" temples.“Quickly became an obstacle to its dissemination; the ally of the first days was transformed into an adversary ”(172). The Christians sought to muzzle him by negative apologetics, that is to say polemics. The time had not yet come when, with Christianity established as a state religion, it would be in a position to demand from the emperors the definitive closure of "pagan" temples.
Two currents emerge in apologetic literature in the first centuries of our era, currents of which many arguments are borrowed from Judeo-Hellenistic literature (173): the first, of which Justin and Hippolyte are among the representatives, attacks "paganism" in its entirety, while conceding a general analogy between ancient wisdom and evangelical teachings, by discovering, under the myths, the presentiment of certain Christian dogmas and, in the philosophical theory of logos, an anticipation of the idea of ​​the Incarnate Word (174) and by admitting certain similarities between the deities, the heroes of "paganism" and the characters of biblical history. Of all these heroes Orpheus was undoubtedly the one who seemed the most useful to apologists, because of his immense popularity among the Gentiles.
The name of Orpheus appears for the first time in a fragment of the lyric poet Ibycos (6th or 7th century BC), established at the court of Polycrates of Samos and which, despite the fact that Orpheus is neither mentioned by Homer , nor by Hesiod, qualifies him as “illustrious” (175).
Orpheus was a son, according to traditions, either of Apollo and of the muse Clio, or of Oeagros, king of Thrace and of the muse Calliope. As a child, Apollo, or Hermes, had offered him a lyre, which the muses had taught him to handle. Pindar ( Pythian, IV) calls him "the father of lyre and song". Aristophanes (c. 445– c. 380 BC) describes him as one of the oldest poets. With his song and his lyre he charmed wild animals, infernal powers, set rivers, trees and stones in motion. The power of his music prompted the Argonauts to ask him to accompany them on their expedition to Colchis. He distinguished himself there by many vocal and musical feats, one of which contributed decisively to the success of the company. The sirens having sought to attract the Argonauts by their song, Orpheus made them forget it by the melodious chords of his lyre. Back in Thrace, he settled in a cave in a region inhabited by the Ciconians, a savage and cannibalistic tribe. He civilized them (176), teaching them in particular to live on fruit.He became their king and married Eurydice, or Agriopè (177), with whom he had a child, Museum who became the first priest of the Eleusinian mysteries (178). Orpheus had been initiated into the mysteries by his father, who had learned them himself from his own father, Tharops. According to other sources (179), it was from Egypt, where he had stayed, that Orpheus had reported the institution of mysteries, the doctrine of the expiation of crimes, the cult of Hecate Chthonia, the principles astronomy and the doctrine of the other life as well as, according to the Byzantine writer Tzetsès, magic, we mean witchcraft (180). Pliny the Elder is not far from looking at him as a sorcerer, in a passage from theOrpheus had been initiated into the mysteries by his father, who had learned them himself from his own father, Tharops. According to other sources (179), it was from Egypt, where he had stayed, that Orpheus had reported the institution of mysteries, the doctrine of the expiation of crimes, the cult of Hecate Chthonia, the principles astronomy and the doctrine of the other life as well as, according to the Byzantine writer Tzetsès, magic, we mean witchcraft (180). Pliny the Elder is not far from looking at him as a sorcerer, in a passage from theOrpheus had been initiated into the mysteries by his father, who had learned them himself from his own father, Tharops. According to other sources (179), it was from Egypt, where he had stayed, that Orpheus had reported the institution of mysteries, the doctrine of the expiation of crimes, the cult of Hecate Chthonia, the principles astronomy and the doctrine of the other life as well as, according to the Byzantine writer Tzetsès, magic, we mean witchcraft (180). Pliny the Elder is not far from looking at him as a sorcerer, in a passage from theaccording to the Byzantine writer Tzetsès, magic means witchcraft (180). Pliny the Elder is not far from looking at him as a sorcerer, in a passage from theaccording to the Byzantine writer Tzetsès, magic means witchcraft (180). Pliny the Elder is not far from looking at him as a sorcerer, in a passage from theNatural history over which mythologists prefer to cast a modest veil (181). In all Greco-Latin literature, Strabo is the only one, with Pliny, not to draw a flattering portrait of Orpheus, in Geography (VII, 21) even less commented on and even even less cited than Hist. Nat . XXX, 2: “At the foot of Olympus is the city of Dion. Next to it there is a village, Pimpléia. It is there, it is said, that Orpheus the Cicone lived: a charlatan ( goês ) who began by begging by making use of music for this and, at the same time, of divination and celebrations of mysteries; then, deeming himself worthy of greater things, he acquired a host of followers and arrogated to himself power. "
To come back to the episode of Orpheus and Eurydice, this one died a few days after her marriage, stung in the heel by a snake while fleeing the pursuits of Aristeus along a river (182). The most famous journey of Orpheus, immortalized by Virgil, but already known to Plato, Pindar and Euripides (183), is his descent into hell, in search of his late wife. The catabase seems to be nothing other than the mythological transposition of the practice of evoking the shadow of the dead (184).
Touched by the chords of his lyre, the infernal deities agreed to return it to him, on the condition that he does not look behind him until he was out of hell. Eager to see her again, Orpheus couldn't help but turn around: Eurydice disappeared forever. However, according to the elegiac poet Hermesianax of Colophon (3rd century BC), Orpheus succeeded in bringing Eurydice back from the underworld. In fact, Orpheus triumphs over death in all versions of the legend prior to that of Virgil (185), except in Plato. This one tells that Orpheus returned from hell empty-handed, the gods of the place having shown him only the ghost of his wife, on the grounds that he had not had the courage to offer his life in exchange for the his own, after being bitten by a snake (186).Plato adds that he died precisely as a punishment for not having offered to die in place of his wife. In other traditions, he dies of grief at having lost Eurydice, or he is struck down by Zeus for having revealed the mysteries to men, or he retires to Mount Rudolf in the sole company of the animals, which he attracts. by his songs and his lyre. The most widespread myths cause him to die on the banks of the Hebre, in Thrace, torn apart by the Maenads, either because he had abandoned the cult of Dionysus, or because he had become a misogynist and had abandoned himself to unnatural inclinations, either because he refused to reveal the mysteries, etc. The Maenads picked up its scattered limbs and buried them at the foot of Olympus, then threw its head and lyre into the river,whose waters made them drift as far as Lesbos (likewise, the waves of the Nile had carried the head of Osiris to Byblos) (187), where they were placed in a temple of Apollo in Antissa. His head gave oracles there; his lyre, placed by Zeus among the stars at the intercession of Apollo and the Muses. there formed the constellation of the lyre. The age of his death is not known.
At the end of the 5th century, the legend of Orpheus is almost complete.
For poets as for the vulgar and, as we have seen above, for most philosophers and historians, Orpheus was a real character, at the same time theologian, poet, musician and prophet, who had lived at a time before the Trojan War, but, owing to the prodigious diversity of his talents, the unusual variety of his knowledge and the uncommon number of his wonders and exploits, some concluded that there was no had one, but several historical figures responding to the name of Orpheus. On the contrary, Herodotus implicitly contested the existence of Orpheus, arguing that he did not know any poet prior to Homer and Hesiod (188). What seems beyond doubt is that at least one Orpheus existed and that he was not the author of the texts which, from the sixth century,were widespread in Greece under his name and later called Orphic writings. For some of them, they were composed, in collaboration with members of the Pythagorean school (189), by the chresmologue Onomacrite (6th century BC), established at the court of Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus; Herodotus considers him to be an "arranger", that is to say a forger (190), of oracular poetry (191). Be that as it may, the aim of this literature was to substitute for the Hellenic cult religious traditions borrowed from the East, by mixing them with Pythagorean conceptions, themselves originating in the East, but more familiar to the Greeks.by the chresmologue Onomacrite (6th century BC), established at the court of Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus; Herodotus considers him to be an "arranger", that is to say a forger (190), of oracular poetry (191). Be that as it may, the aim of this literature was to substitute for the Hellenic cult religious traditions borrowed from the East, by mixing them with Pythagorean conceptions, themselves originating in the East, but more familiar to the Greeks.by the chresmologue Onomacrite (6th century BC), established at the court of Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus; Herodotus considers him to be an "arranger", that is to say a forger (190), of oracular poetry (191). Be that as it may, the aim of this literature was to substitute for the Hellenic cult religious traditions borrowed from the East, by mixing them with Pythagorean conceptions, themselves originating in the East, but more familiar to the Greeks.themselves originally from the East, but more familiar to the Greeks.themselves originally from the East, but more familiar to the Greeks.
By the middle of the third century BC, it was the turn of the Alexandrian Jewish circles to use Orpheus for their own ends, which were apologetic. The opinion, spread by Diodorus Siculus (192) and to which allusion was made above, was that Orpheus had traveled to Egypt, had been initiated there in the mysteries of Isis and had transported this institution to Greece. , by combining it with that of the mysteries of Dionysus. The Jewish apologists of Alexandria seized on this legend and modified it on an essential point, by relating that the teachings which Orpheus had received during his journey to Egypt were not those of the Egyptian priests, but those of Moses. who had converted him to monotheism and that, on the verge of death,he had left his son a will in which he confessed to him that he had never ceased, contrary to what his theological writings might suggest, to adhere to the monotheistic doctrine and urged him to convert himself to Judaism. Fortunately, the manuscript of the “Testament”, a poem written in Greek hexameters, was discovered shortly after the Alexandrian Jews had revealed its existence (193). Justin, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius and Theodoret are among the many ecclesiastical writers who will consider it authentic (194). In the second century BC, the Jewish historian Artapan of Alexandria will still present Moses as the master of Orpheus.Fortunately, the manuscript of the “Testament”, a poem written in Greek hexameters, was discovered shortly after the Alexandrian Jews had revealed its existence (193). Justin, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius and Theodoret are among the many ecclesiastical writers who will consider it authentic (194). In the second century BC, the Jewish historian Artapan of Alexandria will still present Moses as the master of Orpheus.Fortunately, the manuscript of the “Testament”, a poem written in Greek hexameters, was discovered shortly after the Alexandrian Jews had revealed its existence (193). Justin, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius and Theodoret are among the many ecclesiastical writers who will consider it authentic (194). In the second century BC, the Jewish historian Artapan of Alexandria will still present Moses as the master of Orpheus.
The Testament of Orpheuswas composed for a dual purpose: on the one hand, to convince the Greeks to abandon polytheism in order to espouse monotheism, which Orpheus had been the first to spread, albeit in a veiled manner, in Greece and, on the other hand, to strengthen the faith of the Jews, by showing them that the theology of Greece, whose civilization they admired, dated back to a disciple of Moses (195). The Jews of the Hellenistic period had brought Orpheus closer to Moses because of the fact that they were both theologians, prophets and that they had both founded a religion of the book; the representatives of Roman Judaism equated Orpheus with David mainly because of their common gifts for song, music and poetry and therefore prophecy: “not only were both celebrated by their respective people as poets,exceptional singers and musicians, not only did they both play a plucked string instrument, but in certain traditions, marginal it is true, they were even considered to have made their instrument themselves. But the kinship does not end there. Just as Orpheus was supposed to have composed a poetic and theological work in which he sang the genealogy of the gods and the creation of the world, David was regarded as the author of sung poems, the Psalms,Just as Orpheus was supposed to have composed a poetic and theological work in which he sang the genealogy of the gods and the creation of the world, David was regarded as the author of sung poems, the Psalms,Just as Orpheus was supposed to have composed a poetic and theological work in which he sang the genealogy of the gods and the creation of the world, David was regarded as the author of sung poems, the Psalms,tehillîm, which the Jews revere as the highest and most worthy expression of divine piety and praise. In the same way that the song and music of Orpheus had influenced the severity of the infernal deities, the Scriptures teach us that God had conferred on the harp and the song of David a similar power, a power through which he was able to free the king. Saul of the evil spirit that had assailed him and made him melancholy (1 Sam 16:23). But above all, by its peaceful and reconciling effects with regard to human beings as the most opposed and the most hostile animal species, the song and the music of Orpheus could be compared to the universal reconciliation of the animal species and the the peace that the coming of the Messiah foretold in the prophecy of Isaiah 11: 1-9 is supposed to bring:'A shoot will come out of the stump of Jesse (father of David), a branch will grow from its roots […]' ”; under his reign “the wolf will live with the lamb, the panther will lie down near the kid, the calf and the lion cub will be fed together […]. The cow and the bear will become friends, their young will have the same shelter. The lion will eat straw like an ox. The infant will have fun on the cobra's hole, on the viper's lair the child will put his hand. No harm or destruction will be done […], for the land will be filled with the knowledge of Adonai, as the waters fill the sea ”(196).their young will have the same shelter. The lion will eat straw like an ox. The infant will have fun on the cobra's hole, on the viper's lair the child will put his hand. No harm or destruction will be done […], for the land will be filled with the knowledge of Adonai, as the waters fill the sea ”(196).their young will have the same shelter. The lion will eat straw like an ox. The infant will have fun on the cobra's hole, on the viper's lair the child will put his hand. No harm or destruction will be done […], for the land will be filled with the knowledge of Adonai, as the waters fill the sea ”(196).
Primitive Christianity collected the Orphic heritage of Judeo-Hellenic syncretism. Not that in Christian apologetics voices have not been discordant in this regard. Among some apologists (pseudo-Clement, Athenagora), the theology and theogony of Orpheus are considered sacrilegious, his catabase, illusory (Origen) and, as founder of the mysteries, he is considered (pseudo-Hippolyte, Epiphanes) as the inspirer of all heresies. Overall, however, the figure of Orpheus is valued. Cyril of Alexandria made him the forerunner of orthodoxy; Didyma the blind, the announcer of the Trinitarian doctrine (197). The pseudo-Justin, Clement and Theophilus quotes the Testamentto prove that Orpheus was a monotheist. By showing that he had been deeply influenced by Mosaicism, Christian apologists intended to make him an example for all those who had not yet converted to Christianity: as a figure of "paganism" as important and famous as Orpheus. professed the belief in a single god, the pagans would necessarily imitate him. To encourage them, two episodes of the gesture of Orpheus were taken up in Christian literature and in the mosaic. The legend of Orpheus and Eurydice, especially treated in the 1st century and at the beginning of the 2nd century AD, refers to Jesus Christ's own descent into hell (but also to "Christ also suffered once for sins he righteous for the unrighteous, to bring us to God, having been put to death as to the flesh,but having been made alive as to the Spirit, in which also he went to preach to the spirits in prison ”, 1Pierre, 3:19); to strengthen the comparison between the two figures, Orpheus' enterprise is successful: just as Jesus resuscitates, Orpheus brings Eurydice back from the underworld (198). The theme of Orpheus charming wild beasts to the sounds of his lyre, less common than that of his catabase in the first two centuries of our era, becomes more frequent from the third century. They are linked to each other: just as Orpheus had succeeded by his eloquence in persuading the infernal deities to restore Eurydice to him, thus, like Christ "taming the hearts of rebellious men by the strength and grace of his word ”(199), as the“ branch (which) will come out of the stump of Jesse, father of David ”and thanks to whom“ the wolf will dwell with the lamb, the leopard will lie down near the kid, the calf and the lion cub will be fed together,a little boy will lead them ”(Isaiah , 11: 1, 16), Orpheus, by his song, appeases ferocious animals, symbols of low instincts, of the lower nature of man. Both are designed as peacemakers. In the Protepticof Clement of Alexandria, “the new Christ Orpheus […] is presented, one might say, in 'bucolic' terms in the most Virgilian sense, I mean as the most bet of these singer-enchanters whose song creates the cosmic peace, and reestablishes in the universe a transcendent harmony between man and divinity: 'Only in truth says Clement when speaking of Christ, he tamed the most difficult animals that ever were, humans […], he ordered the universe in measure, and subjected the elements to the discipline of agreement, to bring the whole world into harmony […]; having tuned in this microcosm, the man soul and body, he uses this instrument with a thousand voices to celebrate the divinity, and he himself sings in harmony with this human instrument… '”(200). Precisely, Orpheus, in Christian funerary art,"Is no longer the tamer of wild and ferocious animals, but the keeper of a flock of peaceful sheep which represent the people of God, docile and subject to the charming words of Christ" (201). The "good shepherd" (John , 10:11) - Peter (I, 2:25) calls Christ "the shepherd and bishop of our souls" (202) - is he who watches over the salvation of souls and leads them to salvation (203) . Orpheus thus sees himself endowed with a soteriological dimension which was until then completely absent from the myths concerning him (204), even if, as we mentioned above, Orphism was a religion of salvation. From the third century AD, Jesus Christ is sometimes represented with a panpipe in his hand (Grégoire de Naziance calls the pastoral staff “the pastor's flute”) (205).
Once Christianity was declared a state religion by the decree of Theodosius I (392), Orpheus lost its usefulness for the propagation of Christian monotheism.
The pastoral representation of Christ in the form of Orpheus which is found, possibly also under the influence of the assimilation of David to Orpheus by Hellenistic Judaism (206), in Christian engraving, mosaic and funerary painting from the third century of our era (207), did not transmit it less to the early "middle ages", "where typological treatments of the pagan myth began to take hold of Christian writers universally and [...] instructive analogies between [these two figures] were going [either] to evolve towards other moral and didactic conceptions ”of the legend of Orpheus (208), or to prolong those which were current in the primitive Church.
From the end of antiquity, the main sources of the adventures of Orpheus are the Mitologiarum libri(end of the 5th or beginning of the 6th century AD) of the African bishop Fulgence, the very famous Consolation of Philosophy by Boethius (c. 524 AD) (209), the Metamorphoses of Ovid, the Wedding of Philology and Mercury(5th century AD) from the African of Carthage Martianus Capella and the scholies of Servius to the works of Virgil (late 4th century AD). Until the 15th century, all this literature gave rise to commentaries in Latin, then to translations into the vernacular, in the form of didactic allegory, which, henceforth, the Church no longer condemned (210). Their material is the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice. Two great currents of interpretation can be distinguished, one moral, the other rhetorical, which often overlap and to which will be added, towards the beginning of the 14th century, a “courteous” reading.
In De Oratore(211), Cicero declares, contrary to the rhetoricians of the time, for whom all means were good to persuade: “… wisdom without eloquence is of little use to States, but […] eloquence without wisdom is often only too fatal, and can never be useful. According to him, the art of expressing oneself with persuasive elegance is nothing without the ability to reason and instruct according to the principles of philosophy. The Ciceronian formula will be taken up by Augustine (212), exploited by Martianus Capella in his Marriage of Philology and Mercury (213), an encyclopedic manual from which the trivium and the quadrivium will emerge.. “[The] education of man, like the formation of the world, was reduced to two things, speech and number, and two all-embracing ends, eloquence and wisdom. Three paths led to eloquence: the art of speaking correctly, of thinking correctly and of speaking well; or speech elaborated by grammar, sharpened by dialectic, expressed and embellished by rhetoric; the verb in its purity, in its force and in its beauty: such was eloquence. It took a longer and more arduous path to arrive at wisdom or science, identical things. However, it all boiled down in numbers. So there was number, multiplying or decomposing into infinite combinations, arithmetic represented by unity; there was the abstract, absolute, immutable number in the ideal extent, or geometry,which had for emblem the binary; there was the number moving through the created spaces, and carrying the celestial bodies and the world in the orbs of a huge vortex, the astronomy of which a sphere was the symbol. Finally, the seven strings of the lyre were missing one more. So when all these chords resonated together, harmony awakened in the soul, music appeared, like those concerts that Pythagoras heard in the far-off worlds and in the depths of his soul. This was the complement of man, the consumption of wisdom ”(214). From the 6th century, with Fulgence, to the 16th century, with the Venetian poet Niccolò degli Agostini, Orpheus and Eurydice were invariably related to eloquence and wisdom respectively (215).and carrying the celestial bodies and the world in the orbs of an immense vortex, the astronomy of which a sphere was the symbol. Finally, the seven strings of the lyre were missing one more. So when all these chords resonated together, harmony awakened in the soul, music appeared, like those concerts that Pythagoras heard in the far-off worlds and in the depths of his soul. This was the complement of man, the consumption of wisdom ”(214). From the 6th century, with Fulgence, to the 16th century, with the Venetian poet Niccolò degli Agostini, Orpheus and Eurydice were invariably related to eloquence and wisdom respectively (215).and carrying the celestial bodies and the world in the orbs of an immense vortex, the astronomy of which a sphere was the symbol. Finally, the seven strings of the lyre were missing one more. So when all these chords resonated together, harmony awakened in the soul, music appeared, like those concerts that Pythagoras heard in the far-off worlds and in the depths of his soul. This was the complement of man, the consumption of wisdom ”(214). From the 6th century, with Fulgence, to the 16th century, with the Venetian poet Niccolò degli Agostini, Orpheus and Eurydice were invariably related to eloquence and wisdom respectively (215).one more was missing. So when all these chords resonated together, harmony awakened in the soul, music appeared, like those concerts that Pythagoras heard in the far-off worlds and in the depths of his soul. This was the complement of man, the consumption of wisdom ”(214). From the 6th century, with Fulgence, to the 16th century, with the Venetian poet Niccolò degli Agostini, Orpheus and Eurydice were invariably related to eloquence and wisdom respectively (215).one more was missing. So when all these chords resonated together, harmony awakened in the soul, music appeared, like those concerts that Pythagoras heard in the far-off worlds and in the depths of his soul. This was the complement of man, the consumption of wisdom ”(214). From the 6th century, with Fulgence, to the 16th century, with the Venetian poet Niccolò degli Agostini, Orpheus and Eurydice were invariably related to eloquence and wisdom respectively (215).with Fulgence, in the sixteenth century, with the Venetian poet Niccolò degli Agostini, Orpheus and Eurydice were invariably related to eloquence and wisdom respectively (215).with Fulgence, in the sixteenth century, with the Venetian poet Niccolò degli Agostini, Orpheus and Eurydice were invariably related to eloquence and wisdom respectively (215).
From a moral point of view, adopted by Boethius and, after him, by many exegetes throughout the "Middle Ages", Orpheus represents the man who turns away from the supreme good in order to enjoy material goods and Eurydice desire (216 ), namely, according to the theory of the Platonic soul from which Boethius is inspired, the soul which, unable to fight against the immoral passions that arise in its body, gives in to concupiscence. Virgil, in Book IV of the Georgics , was the first to describe Orpheus as a lover, human and desperate - but also, let us note, as a homosexual (217). In the Banquet, two types of love are distinguished: "legitimate and celestial love, that of the muse Urania" and "vulgar love", "which is that of the muse Polymnia", two types of love that Plato makes correspond , because, according to him, love governs music, to two types of music. In an aforementioned passage from the Phaedrus where it is about the lovers who were separated from their wives, "Orpheus is accused of not having had the courage to die for his wife and of having descended alive into Hades to bribe the infernal deities. As a result, all they agreed to give him was a ghost ( phantasma) of his wife and not his wife herself. In this short story, it is first and foremost the poor quality of Orpheus' love that is criticized, but this flaw, Phaedrus imputes to the fact that his soul was weak, because he was a citharede. . For Phèdre therefore, Orpheus' taste for music and song is a sign of the weakness of his soul, which explains his lack of courage. Consequently, the Thracian cantor is not admitted to the rank of true lovers, because his eros is as illusory as his art. The spectral apparition ( phantasma ) that Orpheus receives confines his power to the realm of illusion and shows that, for Plato, this form of art is incapable of representing 'reality', which is reached by eros.the highest, which will be discussed in Diotima's speech ”(218). As, in De Consolatione Philosophiae , Boethius, in line with Plato, himself recognizes two forms of love and that he blames Orpheus's love for Eurydice directly responsible for his failure, it is logical to think that 'it also follows Plato's judgment on the quality of the citharede's love. 
These two interpretations, one moral, the other rhetorical, of Orpheus' catabasis coexist among certain writers of the time. Thus, for the philosopher and grammarian Guillaume de Conches (1080-1154), Orpheus represents “ sapiens ”, “ eloquens optima vox ” and Eurydice “ concupiscentia naturalis ” and “ boni iudicatio"(" The judgment of the good "or" of what is good ") (219), qualities which the writer takes great care to explain to us that they are in no way contradictory. This is because "natural concupiscence" is "the judgment of the good", "because what each one judges good, whether it is it or not, he desires it ardently" (220). Orpheus' enterprise has undoubtedly failed, but it nevertheless appears to be a quest for the sovereign good. Similarly, for Plato ( Republic , 436-441), inner peace results from a balance between the three parts of the soul, the thumos (its concupiscible part), the epithumia (its irascible part) and the noûs.(its intellectual part), thus, for de Conches who reduces these elements to two, the union of the soul with God can only be obtained by the combined efforts of the intellect (Orpheus) and the passions (Eurydice). In the commentary he gives to Meter 12 of Boethius, the Dominican monk Trivet (v. 1258- v. 1334) suggests that, even if "the ascent (of Orpheus) towards the heavens is difficult" (221) , it continues. The path, which the Renaissance will take resolutely, is thus open to the positive reassessment of the myth of Orpheus in the underworld. It had been paved throughout the "Middle Ages" by a courteous reading, characterized by the rehabilitation of the two protagonists and, to begin with, their humanization. Already sensitive in Virgil, it is consecrated by Alfred the Great in his translation ofDe Conciliatione around 900. Whereas, says us moved the essayist, professor of literature and civil servant Guillaume Guizot (1833-1892), Boethius "[slipped]" on the pain of Orpheus, "by making antitheses", Alfred concentrates "on the inner and true drama of the human soul" (222). “But, Alfred whines with an invert lyricism heralding the sentimental complications of the courtly novel, love may hardly, nay, cannot be denied! Alas and well-a-day (223)! »
Pierre Bersuire's commentary (c. 1290-1362) on Metamorphoses and L'Ovide moralisé(early 14th century), the first vernacular translation of Ovid's poem and also the first commentary on the myth of the descent into hell of Orpheus in which Eurydice is identified with Eve, marked a return to the apologetic method of certain fathers of Church, the first by explaining that the myth of the descent of Orpheus into hell was an allegory of the marriage of Christ to the human soul, killed by the poison of sin in the same way that Eurydice had died bitten by a serpent, the second by assimilating Orpheus both to David and to Christ and by comparing Orpheus' catabasis with Christ's descent into hell (224). The great popularity enjoyed by L'Ovid moralizedin courtly circles (225) shows, however, that he was also susceptible to a very profane interpretation and, as for the Orpheus Christus of Bersuire, descended into hell to save humanity by singing a verse from the Song of Songs, he saves Eurydice because he doesn't look back and then spins the perfect love with her.
The Roman de Perceforest (c. 1330) makes Orpheus the force of love. The author of the Rules of the Second Rhetoric (early 15th century) describes Orpheus as a loyal lover (226). In the Middle English narrative poem Sir Orfeo(c. 1300), which combines the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice with elements of Celtic mythology, the king of England (Orfeo), emeritus harpist, loses his wife, kidnapped by the king of the underworld, leaves looking for him after having abdicated, wanders about ten years in the woods, discovers the entrance to the underground world, charms the king to the sound of his harp to such an extent that he agrees to return Lady Heurodis, with whom Orfeo then returns to court, where he is again crowned king. Nobility of language, politeness, humility, dedication, loyalty, courage, intelligence, moderation, there is hardly any of the virtues of courtly love that are not found in Sir Orfeo, except that they fall within the framework of marriage and that, presented as a source of misfortune when they are practiced, as is the case in Tristan and Isolde , outside this framework, they are synonymous with happiness (227). From the 12th century, all the novels of Chrétien de Troyes, with the exception of Chevalier à la Charrette, strive to reconcile love and marriage, as its epigones will do in the 13th century. However, this was only the romantic translation of the principle of mutual consent of the spouses to marriage, a principle - it was introduced into canon law in the 13th century - which, along with that of pure and simple exogamy, was the basis of model of marriage that the Church sought to substitute for the traditional system of alliances specific to the aristocracy, the aim of which was rather "to unite goods than persons", to strengthen lineage ties and to contract alliances (228 ). “Crazy loves,” complained Villon (1431- v. 1463), “make stupid people” (229), people among whom he ranks Solomon, Samson, and Orpheus.
Ignored throughout the "Middle Ages" (230), Pan resurfaced in the 15th century in art and literature. Formerly hosts, according to an ancient belief that persisted until the 5th century and even well beyond, “places inaccessible to men […], forests, woods, sylvan shrines, lakes, springs and rivers” (231), fauna, satyrs, silenus, sylvans, fonts, etc.,. henceforth decorated, painted or sculpted, the castles. The image of Pan “asserts itself in society and the aristocrats will not fail to have a few copies carved to adorn their palaces; the appellation 'Pan' spread everywhere among the noble classes… ”(232). The Orphic Hymns are in fashion.
The rediscovery of Pan in the 15th century is entirely due, through their patronage, to the Medici. After the fall of Constantinople, the scholars of Greece had taken refuge in Italy, where, welcomed by this family of traders and bankers, they introduced Italian scholars to works of antiquity that had been ignored by the "Middle Ages. », Starting with that of Plato, that of Plotinus, that of the neo-Platonist Proclus, the Corpus Hermeticum and, precisely, the Orphic Hymns , that the philosopher, poet, priest and canon of the cathedral of Florence Marsilio Ficino, named by Cosimo de Medici at the head of the Platonic academy which he had founded in Florence, was commissioned to translate.
"I had the impression that Orpheus was resuscitated (" Pensai che Orfeo al mondo ritornasse "), wrote Laurent de Medici - himself paragoned, like his no less illustrious ancestor (233), to Pan (234) -, in his poem “Altercazione”, after having heard Ficino play the lyre (235), while, Poliziano (1454-1494) declared that “his lyre […] much more effective than that of Thracian Orpheus, brought back from the underworld what constitutes […] the true Eurydice, that is to say the wisdom of Plato in all its extent and in all its aspects ”(236).
"I, unworthy priest," writes Ficino in the preface to Vita., […] I had two fathers, Ficino the doctor [his father was Cosimo de Medici's doctor. NDE] and Côme de Médicis. one gave me the first birth, the other the second; the first recommended me to Galen, physician and Platonist, the second dedicated to the divine Plato. Thus, both have dedicated Marsile to a doctor: Galen, doctor of bodies; Plato, physician of souls ”(237). After studying medicine and theology, Ficino cultivated music. Medicine, theology and music were one for him: "You must remember," he said to a friend who devoted himself to philosophy, "that nature has united body and mind to soul in us. . The body is in fact cared for by the remedies of medicine. But the spirit which is an air vapor of blood and like a knot connecting soul and body,is tempered by and nourished by airy scents and sounds. Finally, the soul, as it is divine, is purified by the divine mysteries of Theology. In nature, a certain being is composed of a soul, a body and a spirit. Among the Egyptian priests, one and the same faculty was held by those who had faith in the doctors and the mysteries. May we acquire this natural and Egyptian faculty with a success as great as the effort and goodwill with which we seek it (238)! Music and song seemed to him a means of bringing the human soul into contact and in tune with the cosmic soul, in order to alleviate the symptoms of the afflictions of the spirit, especially the melancholy, of which he himself was. reached and ultimately to free the soul from the prison of the body,so that she may reunite with the divinity from whom she emanated (239). There he was only developing the views of Boethius and the Neoplatonists of Alexandria on themusica mondana (music of the spheres) and musica humana (human music) (240), views which will remain predominant until the 17th century (241). But song and music were still only instruments of love, a fundamental concept of Ficino's philosophy, because it “explains the relationships between the different levels of reality, between the macrocosm and the microcosm, between the man and his fellows, between man and God ”; love is "that power which, by its magic, communicates and maintains harmony within the universe" (242). In the Orphic Hymn to Venus, love is presented as the principle that governs the universe. In the Orphic theogony and, in all probability, of Phoenician inspiration (243), of Pherecydes, master of Pythagoras, the world does not begin with shapeless and obscure chaos, as in the ancient Greek poets, but, as in the cosmogonies Phoenicians (244), inspirers of Abraham (245), by a creator and living god: Zeus, “the first principle […] the principle of union and love, Eros, which fecundates nature, he is the Demiurge , the architect who harmoniously arranges the building ”(246). “God [is not] love” (1 John 4: 7-12, 13-17) (247)?
To put the human soul in unison with this unique divinity, Ficino recommended singing in particular the Orphic Hymns. Orpheus, he assured, convinced that Thrace was the author of these hymns, "proclaims that Apollo by his vital rays reinforces health and life above all, and ward off diseases" (248). Ficino was convinced that both Pythagoras and David had practiced what we now call music therapy (249). According to him, Orpheus was, after Hermes Trismegistus, the second link in a golden chain of which the others were Moses, Pythagoras, Plato, Plotinus, Proclus, etc. who, basically, had taught, in different forms, the same morality and the same dogmas and that he, Ficino, was strong, with the blessing of the Pope (250), to bring back to unity and to reconcile with christianity. Knowledge of God, the ultimate goal that all religions set for human beings, is based, according to Ficino, on four conditions, which he calls "furores ”: it is a furor poeticus (poetic or musical), mysterialis (bacchic or mysteric), vaticinium (Apollonian or prophetic,) amatorius affectus (amorous), which all happen to be embodied by Orpheus, poet, theologian, prophet and lover , all at once. The four figures have the common characteristic of acting only through speech and, more precisely, through skilful speech intended to charm, seduce or indoctrinate. The Orpheus they remember, he and Polydore Virgil, in his De rerum inventoribus(1499), reprinted many times from 1499 (251), is therefore not the Orpheus that Pliny suspects of having introduced the sorcery of Thrace, nor of the charlatan that Strabo saw in him, but of the civilizing hero. that Horace had celebrated in Poetic Art : “Priest and interpreter of the gods, Orpheus turned away men living in the woods from murder and a degrading life; it is said from there that he softened tigers and lions full of rage ”(252) with his lyre.
From hermetic philosophy and courtly romance, the character of Orpheus was transported at the end of the 15th century to music and more particularly to lyric theater.
In 1480, Le Politien, inspired among others by Bucolics , Georgics ,Metamorphoses and Loves , composed, in two days it is said, La Favola d'Orfeo , whose subject is formed by Aristeus 'passion for Eurydice, her flight and death, Orpheus' lamentations, his descent into hell and, once becoming a homosexual, his death at the hands of the Bacchantes. The first milestones had just been laid for a theatrical genre which it is customary to consider the first performance of L'Orfeo by Monteverdi (1607) as the birth certificate and which has its roots in Dionysian tragedies: l 'opera. "Entertainment adapted to a baroque prince and an instructive representation of his power and majesty" (253), its original wasL'Orfeo, favola in musica, da Claudio Monteverdi, rappresentata in Mantova anno 1607 & novamente data in luce, al serenissimo signor D. Francesco Gonzaga, principle di Mantova, & di Monferato, & c , patron of the Italian composer. Very quickly, the conviction took hold that opera "increases the prestige of the sovereign and the prosperity of States" (254). It was considered a political instrument (255), a true form of political discourse, and Orpheus, whose myth, since L'Orfeo , has served as the theme of nearly two hundred operas (256), as the “model of the prince of peace to come ”(257), the new politician whose portrait The Prince paints and whom he compares precisely to an artist (258). Hadn't Orpheus himself held political office (259)?
Of the sophist Protagoras, this "professional of knowledge" (260), Plato (261) says that he "[charms] [the] people [ for the most part, foreigners] in the manner of Orpheus, by the sound of his voice, and it is by voice that they follow him, once taken under the spell! (Emphasis added) and 'charm' is to be taken here in the etymological sense of 'enchantment', a magical operation (262). Presented in all the operas where he appears in the "Renaissance" both as a musician and poet and as a civilizer and initiated into a public which, until the beginning of the 19th century, will be composed mainly of aristocrats, therefore men of State (263), Orpheus is precisely the prototype of the sophist in whom contemporary theorists like Machiavelli see the ideal statesman. He imposes good government (264) by "the magic of art" (265) and this art is that of speech and song (266). "Orpheus is the statesman or legislator who, by his gentle speech ( dolce parlare), adapts men to life in society ”(267) and above all obtains the consent of the people. In chapter IX ("How a captain must be learned and talkative to know how to dissuade or persuade a thing") of book IV of The Art of War"(268), the power to" enchant "a crowd is precisely related to discourse:" Getting a small number of people to adopt or reject an opinion is not very difficult; for if words are not enough, force and authority are used; The real difficulty is to destroy in the minds of the multitude a fatal error, contrary to the public interest and to your [the Prince] designs [of the Prince] (for Machiavelli, "the interests of the people do not necessarily coincide with the interests of the 'republic' ”) (269). "The prince must practice demagoguery and manipulate opinion by a skilful rhetoric, which appeals to the imagination more than to reason, which spares the public mind and affects to respect its prejudices in order to better abuse it" (270). This success can only be achieved through a speech, which,if we want everyone to be persuaded, must beheard by all ”[emphasis added] (271). Soon in Great Britain the poet and courtier Sir Philip Sidney (1554–1586), the writer and literary critic George Puttenham (1529–1590) and the poet Edmund Spenser (c. 1552-1599) will exalt in Orpheus the one who , according to them, demonstrated that poetry can be put at the service of politics (272). The playwright and poet Thomas Middleton (1580-1627), in The Triumph of love and antiquity (1619), written on the occasion of the inauguration of the new mayor of London, Sir Wiliam Cokayne, addresses him in these terms : “Each of the magistrates who govern us could very well be qualified as powerful Orpheus (273). Almost two centuries later, the man of letters and politician de Boissy d'Anglas (1756-1826) probably had in mind theOrphée d'Horace, when he wrote about one of the most lively orators of the Revolution of 1789, in the Essay on National Holidays whichwhich he addressed to the Convention in 1794: “Robespierre, speaking of the Supreme Being to the most enlightened people in the world, reminded me of Orpheus teaching men the first principles of civilization and morality (274). "
Until the end of the 17th century, Orpheus was portrayed as a diplomat, an aristocrat or a courtier (275) and, like Cosimo de Medici, portrayed as Orpheus around 1539 by Agnolo Bronzino (1503-1572), more of a European monarch dreamed of, or was compared to, Orpheus (276). Courtiers, nobles or the sons of downgraded nobles were expected to know "how to play with pen and foil, [to be] capable of singing, dancing, painting and writing poetry, courting women in the fashionable language of neo-Platonic love ”and being“ universal ”(277) and, above all, knowing how to pretend, in order to achieve, a little like the Orpheus that Strabo evokes (278).

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Now that we have examined the use made of Orpheus by the first stream of Christian apologetics of the first centuries of our era and its philosophical, artistic and literary extensions into politics in later eras, it remains for us to consider the fate reserved for the Orphic figure of Pan by the second current. Represented among others by Tertullian and Tatian, he "envelops in the same anathema all the past, curses the philosophers as well as the gods, and appeals only to the natural instincts of the human heart" (279); which does not prevent him from drawing weapons against idolatry and anthropomorphism, the main reproaches that Christians made to "pagans", in the works of ... philosophers (280), "auxiliary [s] of Christians without the knowing, and working not for the same purpose,but often perhaps for their benefit ”(281).
As early as the 6th century BC, several historians had suggested that certain deities in the Greek pantheon were deified men after their death; the Stoics had followed suit (282), Evhémère only had to apply this theory to all of these deities, thus denying their supernatural character and consequently their very existence (283). The skeptic Lucien of Samosate (c. 125-180 of our era) had ridiculed the practices and divinities of “paganism” (284) as well as the… philosophers and… Christiznism. Indeed, the skeptics had long shown the contradictions of the various philosophical systems and the opposition between the schools which professed them.
Their third charge against "paganism", namely the demonization of the gods, the early Christians borrowed from Judaism. Deuteronomy , 32:17 said, “They sacrificed to idols ( shedim ) which are not God. In Psalm 96: 5, "all the gods of the peoples ( elohim ) are idols ( elilim ; literally: 'nothings')". Now, in the Septuagint, “ elilim ” was translated as “ daemonia ” (285). 1 Corinthian, 10:20 hammered the point home: “I say that what is sacrificed, it is sacrificed to demons, and not to God; now, I don't want you to have fellowship with demons. Electrified by these inflammatory arguments, the Christian apologist and philosopher Athenagoras (133-190) opened hostilities; he assimilated the gods of "paganism" to material images devoid of any divine character and whose names the demons seized and with statues to deceive men and destroy them (286). In the “West” at the same time, identical arguments were advanced by Tertullian (v. 155- v. 220). Two centuries later, Augustine explained that “the gods of the nations are filthy demons who, taking advantage of the opportunities offered to them by the souls of the dead, or taking the form of creatures of this world, aspire to pass for gods” (287 ).At the beginning of the 4th century, Eusebius of Caesarea (265-339) interpreted in this sense the "death of Pan", which Plutarch echoed in his treatise.On the disappearance of the oracles . Of all the accounts of polytheistic antiquity, he is the one which "aroused [the most] interpretations in the field of European-Christian culture" (288).
“When evening came,” says Plutarch, “as they were in sight of the Echinades Islands, the wind died down, and the ship was carried by the waves near the islands of Paxas. Most of the crew were awake; several were still busy drinking and had finished supper. Suddenly a voice from one of the islands of Paxas was heard; she called with loud cries a certain Thamus. Everyone was struck with astonishment. This Thamus was an Egyptian pilot, and there were not many of the passengers who knew him, even by name. The first two times he heard himself named he was silent; but the third time he answered this call. Then the invisible interlocutor, giving intensity to his voice, said: 'When you are up to Palodes announces that the great Pan is dead.' After hearing these words,continued Epitherse, we were all struck with terror, and they consulted as to whether it was best that Thamus carried out this order, or that he ignored it and neglected it. Finally it was agreed, that if the wind blew Thamus would pass by without saying anything, but that if one were held back by dead calm he would repeat the words he had heard. When the ship was near Palodes, as there was not a breath in the air and the waves were calm, Thamus from the top of the stern, his eyes directed towards the earth, repeated the words he had heard. pronounce: 'The great Pan is dead.' "The first, Eusebius of Caesarea (289), basing himself on the etymology of the name of the divinity, understands" Pan "as the" totality of demons, that is to say gods or demigods of Greco polytheism. -Roman,driven out by Christ ”. The "death of the great Pan" thus attested to the triumph of Christ over the "pagan" divinities. This is the interpretation that will prevail until the end of the 15th century, when it will undergo a brutal reversal.
Throughout the sixteenth century, in the idyll, the epigram, the epitaph, it continues to be only a question of Pan and other deities sung by Ovid and Virgil (290). Many great figures are identified with Pan in the literature. In an eclogue by Claude Roillet To congratulate the Cardinal of Lorraine on his return from a trip to Italy, Thyrcis, Lycidas and Menalque, three shepherds a la Virgil, tell of the journey of Daphnis (the cardinal) to Rome, where, led by a favorable wind, he receives the most gracious welcome from the god Pan (the pope). Pan promises him to take care of the herd of Paris (the city of Paris) and gives him, as a pledge of his word, the first row after him. Daphnis returns to his homeland filled with glory and Menalque offers him a song which is for the cardinal the most flattering gift (291). Marot composed, in the manner of Virgil, an Eglogue to the King under the names of Pan and Robin . Nicolas Goulu as well as Bertaut, in Speech on the trespas by Monsieur de Ronsard (292), compares the death of the poet to that of Pan in the Christianized form (293) which he tended more and more to take since, in 1497, in his commentary on the Fastes , the humanist Paolo Marso (1440-1484) had affirmed that the death which had been announced by the mysterious voice in "The death of the great Pan" of Plutarch was in reality that of Jesus Christ (294). Which led him to make this “abhorrent interpretation”, as Rabelais ironically called it fifty years later in chapter 27 of the Fourth Book.(1552) is the fact that he believed he recognized in Plutarch's account the traces of Osirian worship and that, as he underlined, there were many points in common between the Egyptian divinity and Christ (295) and even , more generally, between the Egyptian divinity, Adonis and Christ (296). Marso further justified this comparison by the phonetic similarity between Thamos, name of the Egyptian sailor to whom the death of the great Pan was announced and Tammuz, name that Adonis bears in Syria. Revival in Silva de varia leccion (1542) by the Spanish poet and chronicler Pedro Mexia (1497-1552) (297), then by a friend of Cardinal du Bellay, Guillaume Bigot, in his Christianae Philosophiae Praeludium(1549) (298), the idea that the "whole" whose death had been proclaimed under Tiberius was Christ himself will be popularized, in France, by Rabelais and Marguerite de Navarre in his Comédie De La Comédie de la Nativité of Jesus Christ (1540) and, in England, in the commentary on Spenser's Shepheardes Camlendar (1579) (299) by EK as well as in Milton's Hymn of Nativity (1629) and will eventually compete (300), even obliterate, the reading of Eusebius, including in esoteric Christian circles, where, however, Pan, consort of Jupiter, generally continued to be conceived, as in Orphism, as the symbol of the creative power of nature (301).
The sixteenth century “reacted against Christianity by rehabilitating flesh and life; he reacted against it by attaching himself passionately to the universe, which he enlarged by science; - he reacted against
him by conceiving a progress which would have the earth even for theater: and it was therefore natural to represent him by this satyr [Pan], so crudely sensual at first and so eager to live, like a character of Rabelais , but whose poetry is then so inflamed, and which revolts against
old beliefs, and which announces the emancipation of man, and who adores the world, the universe, the Whole "(302): it is which, three centuries later, Victor Hugo did in “Le Satyre”, inserted in the section of The Legend of the centuries entitled “Sixteenth century: Renaissance. - Paganism ”.
It is true that “the Renaissance was in reality […] the death of many things; under the pretext of returning to Greco-Roman civilization, only what was most exterior was taken from it, because that alone had been able to express itself clearly in written texts; and this incomplete restitution could moreover only have a very artificial character, since it was a question of forms which, for centuries had ceased to live their true life ”(303), on condition of specifying that civilization Greco-Roman that it was claimed to be resuscitated was no more than a shadow of itself, phagocytosed as it had been by Semitism and that, consequently, what had been making a comeback since the fourteenth century in Europe, under a much purer form than that carried by the Church, it was a Semitic worldview and, with it,a Semitic way of leading men (304). "Politics [began to be] seen as a sheepfold affair" (305).
France, tired of the wars of religion and the civil war which they had ended up provoking, no longer yearned for anything but calm and rest. A new romantic genre, the pastoral, fulfilled this expectation, singing the happiness of the inhabitants of the countryside. In an idyllic nature, shepherds and shepherdesses flow happy days in an innocent simplicity; "(Having) nothing to do […] [their] unique and capital business will consequently result from social relations" and, to begin with, from love (306), most often platonic, which only occasionally disturbs the irruption, heavy with sensuality, of a satyr, among others Pan. “These men and women desire each other, pursue each other, avoid each other, finally practice the profession of love.The war holds there just as much space as it takes to mark the nobility of the characters; Celadon would not be the ideal lover if he never had the sword in his hand. But he puts it back quickly: he is a gentleman and not a soldier ”(307). A repellent to the alienation and corruption of worldly life, the pastoral was read precisely in the city and at the court (308).
The most widely read of pastoral novels at the time was L'Astrée (1610-1627).
L'Astrée has a temple, built by a Pan or an Egypan, which, with Syrinx, stands at the entrance to the fountain of the Truth of love. The shepherds of d'Urfé offer him sacrifices. In the dramatic pastoral, the character of the rapist is present, either in the form of the satyr, who, like Pan, fails and appears somewhat ridiculous, or in the guise of the shepherd, who does not make people laugh because he does not. is not as clumsy as the satyr, but, in L'Astrée, the shepherd never imposes sexual intercourse by violence; rape is the act, either of a barbarian or a tyrant, or of a monstrous foreigner, who, by contrast, values ​​the "honest friendship" in which must consist, for d'Urfé, faithful in this to neo-Platonism and the moral program of the Catholic counter-reform, romantic relationships (309). Already, with Virgil, the shepherds were very talkative and polite with the "weaker sex". “The shepherds of romantic pastoral care were already beings almost devoid of apparent vital 'imperialism', driven by courtly eroticism alone, and, for the most part, craftsmen of delicate poetry. Urfé also made them aristocratic parlor talkers and metaphysicians of love. Over there,he finished transporting the most refined culture under the thatch and suggesting that the state of nature is an accomplished social state ”(310).L'Astréehad, from the first half of the sixteenth century, a great influence, which proved to be lasting, on French society, "[modifying] profoundly the relations of the various classes of society, regularizing (ing) mores and habits , and creating, so to speak, the politeness and urbanity of our nation.One of the most remarkable effects of this novel was to bring together the men of letters of high society and even of the court. no longer demanded proofs of nobility from those they admitted into their salons.The only conditions required to claim this honor were the practice of those gentle and delicate virtues which shed light on Astrée's novel with a a light so calm and so pure, and the knowledge of these exquisitely polite formulas,of which the shepherds of Lignon and the Knights of Marcilly became the gracious models ”(311). The upper classes of society were bovarysized before their time. The romantic conception of life and human nature which had formed over the centuries became a conception of life and of human nature itself (312).
L'Astrée , which was still the delights of Rousseau a few years before his death (313), was, in the middle of the 17th century, one of the bedside books (314) of the romantic Jeanne Guyon (1648 -1717), known as Madame de Guyon, main apologist of quietism in France and mentor of Fénelon (315).
Groves, birdsong, hills, villages, valleys, meadows, streams, shepherds, flocks naturally populate the pages of Madame Guyon's poems and spiritual hymns as much as the pastoral novels she devoured. Guyon and his disciples, headed by Fenelon, “consider rural objects as symbols, as 'emblems' of the Divinity; their 'child' hearts, which turn all their feelings into hymns of gratitude to God, can only be joyful in the face of nature; creation appears to them beautiful and cheerful, mirroring itself in their 'refined' soul. In other words, what they love about Nature are the thousand opportunities it provides them to perceive, to feel God at their ease, and the 'freedom' they find so abundant there to communicate. with Him ”(316). "Everything," she writes inSpiritual torrents , everything is God to this soul "which, being annihilated, is full of God"; “[All] heavenly creatures, earthly creatures, pure intelligences, everything disappears and is vanished, and there is only God left even as He was before creation. This soul sees only God everywhere, and everything is God to him ”(317). In quietism, nature is not far from being represented as a divine being (318).
Quietism is a mystical doctrine inspired by the works of the Spanish theologian Molinos (1628-1696) and according to which Christian perfection resides in quietude, that is to say "pure love" and the annihilation of oneself by contemplation of God, meditation or mental prayer. Madame Guyon pushed the Molinist doctrine to its ultimate consequences, substituting the idea of ​​the integral corruption of fallen nature for that of the integral goodness of fallen nature. For her, all spiritual life was summed up in the docility to follow the interior impulse that she feels coming from God, until the absolute annihilation or disappropriation and the continuous union with God through contemplation and love. . "Through prayer," she said in Les torrents spirituels, this divine life becomes quite natural to the soul. As the soul no longer feels, no longer sees itself, no longer knows itself, it sees nothing of God, understands nothing of it, distinguishes nothing from it. There is no more love, lights, or knowledge. God no longer seems to her, as in the past, something distinct from her, but she knows nothing, except that God is, and that she is no longer, no longer subsists, no longer lives except in him. Here prayer is action, and action is prayer, everything is equal, everything is indifferent to this soul because everything is also God to it ”(319). “Formerly,” she adds in the libertarian lineage of the millenarian sects of the “middle ages” (320), it was necessary to practice virtue in order to do virtuous works. Here, all distinction of action is removed, actions no longer having their own virtues, but everything being God to this soul,the lowest as well as the highest action, provided that it is in the order of God and in the divine movement. She lets herself go in whatever entices her, without worrying about anything, without thinking, wanting or choosing anything, but remains happy, without care, nor concern for herself, no longer thinking of it, no longer distinguishing its interior to talk about it. The soul has no more. Also this soul does not bother to seek or do anything. It remains as it is and that is enough. But what is she doing? Nothing, nothing and still nothing. She does whatever we make her do. She suffers whatever is made her suffer. His peace is quite unalterable, but quite natural. It is as if passed in nature ”(321). Also Madame Guyon could write to Fénelon: “I no longer know sin or justice (322).The tendency of Guyon's quietist metaphysics to operate a "purely divine systematization of all impressions, if necessary of all the social failings of the 'inner' Christian; […] To substitute the notion of the trial, sent from heaven, for that of temptation, coming from Hell and simply allowed or tolerated by God to confuse human pride […] leads […] to the elimination of the Tempter, the negation of concupiscence, inheritance of Adam's sin, the rehabilitation of instinct in all its affective forms, finally the proclamation of the natural goodness which would have been preserved by man after as before the original fall ”(323),“ natural goodness ”which, according to his teachings, is very easy to restore to its original purity, which amounts to implicitly rehabilitating human nature (324).The passions, willed by God, are divine (325). “Divinism”, fanaticism, optimistic fatalism, such are the three stages of the mystical pathology of which Guyon offers a perfect example: by believing to unite with God - Nature -, the mystic believes himself to be God - Nature -; he imagines that it is God - Nature - who inspires him and he takes his own feelings, illusions and desires for the will of God - Nature -; he feels in him a sort of superior, irresistible power, to which he lets himself go and which, in his eyes, legitimizes all his passional transgressions (326).the mystic believes himself to be God - Nature -; he imagines that it is God - Nature - who inspires him and he takes his own feelings, illusions and desires for the will of God - Nature -; he feels in him a sort of superior, irresistible power, to which he lets himself go and which, in his eyes, legitimizes all his passional transgressions (326).the mystic believes himself to be God - Nature -; he imagines that it is God - Nature - who inspires him and he takes his own feelings, illusions and desires for the will of God - Nature -; he feels in him a sort of superior, irresistible power, to which he lets himself go and which, in his eyes, legitimizes all his passional transgressions (326).
The rights of passion are not yet explicitly affirmed in Télémaque , a continuation that the man of the Church, theologian and writer Fénelon composed in L ' Odysséein order to teach the grandson of Louis XIV, the Duke of Burgundy, of whom he was the tutor, the true way of governing. The model of government which is presented to the future Louis XV in the novel is that of Bétique, a country "of which so many wonders are told that one can hardly believe them" and that the brother of a ship captain met by Telemachus and his tutor Mentor on the outskirts of Calypso Island portrayed them. Its inhabitants, “simple and happy in their simplicity”, are “almost all shepherds”. “Everywhere, on all occasions, Fénelon never tires of admiring the benefits of tastes in accordance with nature, and of the life that flows through the fields. It is not in a palace, but in a cave, that he places the abode of Calypso; the meal served at Telemachus is simple;Egyptian architecture is simple and noble; Telemachus tastes innocent and lively pleasures in the midst of the solitudes of Egypt; the fertility of the Tyrian countryside delighted him; Mentor recommends agriculture to Idomeneus; he sings of the happiness of the laboring peoples of Baetica; this happiness is not only the joy of wealth, of abundance: no; 'simple nature has taught them wisdom' by making them know the true goods which are 'the foundation of human life'. It makes the shepherds 'innocent and peaceful', frees them of ambition, distrust, artifice. Through her 'everything' becomes 'quiet, laughing' and it is in her that perhaps one day the delights of the golden age will be reborn, when we saw 'the wolves playing among sheep' with the 'lions and tigers';while a 'little shepherd led them together under his rod' ”(327).
The philosophical optimism which emerges from this passage emanates directly from the rehabilitation of human nature by Guyonian quietism (328). In the impulses of nature the Quietists seek and find a principle of morality. For Fenelon, to be happy, it is necessary, as the cynics and the Stoics already advocated in antiquity (329), to follow nature (330) and, consequently, itsnature, her heart - "The instincts and [the] natural slopes […] lead [souls] to God" (331), preached Madame Guyon. While, until the 17th century, all theologians and all moralists taught that man was naturally fallen and corrupt, Fénelon "already thought, of his fellows, around 1690, as a hundred years later would think of many Rousseauist gentlemen. on the eve of the Revolution ”(332). The first Fénelon suggested a philosophy based on moral optimism, faith in the natural and original goodness of man, which in the 18th century would turn to the cult of Nature and the "Good Savage" and, in the 19th century, to the cult. of Humanity, Woman and Black (333).
The philosophers of the "Enlightenment" saw in this pastoral Bétique a model of moderate, "natural" monarchy.
Naturism seems, it is suggested, to have as a first condition "a certain facility, a certain confident abandonment towards it, to believe it good or at least pacified from now on and purified, to believe it salutary and divine, or at least close to it. God in the inspirations she exhales, legitimate in her loves, sacred in her hymens ”(334). This first condition would rather be the taste for factitiousness which is peculiar to romantic souls, because the nature in which the characters of pastoral novels and Telemachus roam and speak is just as artificial as their feelings and their customs are false. Telemachusis even “one of the most complete models that there is of the false genre […] mythological narrative […] entirely permeated with Christian sentiments. It is the work of a Catholic priest and he, in order to recommend Christian morality, finds nothing better than to entrust the teaching of it to the pagan divinities. It is a tale of ancient life and everything bears the modern mark. All the antitheses meet there with all the anachronisms. But, continues the man of letters, journalist and great literary critic René Doumic (1860-1937), what I find even stranger in this strange novel is that it is an educational novel. It is intended to warn a young man against all the seductions of passion, and, from the first lines, passion speaks the most touching language:love creeps in by means of sadness and melancholy reverie. Thanks to Calypso and his nymphs, here's our youngster on one level in the women's apartment, where he's likely to enjoy himself more than the interview with Mentor. The Emile in this educational novel is a prince; he is called to reign over France some day, - and he is taught to legislate for Salente! But apparently this romantic itself, this sentimentality, widespread everywhere, this smiling optimism, this artificial color of a conventional antiquity, lend it a prestige which survives the very cult of antiquity and the concern for Christian morality ”(335 ). “The 17th century was convinced that reason, which subordinates the particular to the general and the individual to the whole, must dominate, regulate, contain and discipline all faculties.The eighteenth century will pass the command to the most personal, the most changeable, the most capricious and the most tyrannical of faculties: it is the sensitivity ”, which he will continue to decorate with the name of“ reason ”(336). The following "profane prayer", said by Diderot inSystem of Nature (1770) (337) - where the beginning of the Homeric Hymn to Pan is quoted , to "see that it was the great whole, the universe, the nature of things that was the true object of worship of Payenne antiquity "(338)," was on the lips of all the philosophers of the eighteenth century "(339) and had first been on those of Guyon and Fénelon in the seventeenth century:" O nature !, Sovereign of all beings! And you her adorable daughters, virtue, reason, truth! Be forever our only divinities; it is to you that the incense and the homage of the earth are due. Show us then, oh nature! What man must do to obtain the happiness you make him desire ”(340).
Nature, Reason, Humanity, such is, according to the literature professor Louis Ducros (1846-1927), the motto that could be inscribed on the pediment of the Encyclopedia (it could be just as well on the pediment of the boxes) (341 ). Distilled in the cerebral and sickly sensibility of Rousseau, these abstractions will turn respectively to naturist mysticism, to passionate mysticism and to social mysticism, which all “receive their coloring from the amorous passion” (342) conceived and lived, à la Ficino, as a divine fury.
Rousseau and his contemporaries, avid readers of L'Astrée and Télémaque, which, from its publication in 1699 to 1914, remained one of the most reissued and widely read books (343), did not take them for novels. Joined with the myth of the “Bon Sauvage” and the quietist mysticism, the romantic conception of life and human nature will give birth to what the writer, journalist and critic Ernest Seillière (1866–1955) calls “naturist mysticism” (344) , attitude based on the feeling of being perpetually, directly and intimately united with a good and favorable divinity and of doing nothing but submitting to His will by yielding to all natural inclinations and, consequently, a "system of feeling, of to think and act in accordance with the so-called primitive nature of mankind ”(345). Hence, Rousseau's morality, by "[making] instinctive impulse,above all from the erotic impulse in our soul the voice of a God whose will we are authorized or even forced to fulfill ”(346) and“ who would have taken on himself all the responsibility for our 'natural' aspirations ”, prepared the "Passionate mysticism" (347). But this good God did not enter into an alliance with all his creatures, only with those which were preserved as he made them, that is to say in his likeness, a likeness which would have been maintained more in two human types: the poet and the commoner.only with those which have been preserved as he made them, that is to say in his resemblance, a resemblance which would have been maintained more in two human types: the poet and the commoner.only with those which have been preserved as he made them, that is to say in his resemblance, a resemblance which would have been maintained more in two human types: the poet and the commoner.
In the illuminated atmosphere of the decades preceding the Revolution, the “men of the century”, like the mystics, who then predicted sometimes a “new reign”, sometimes a new “golden age”, sometimes again the end of the world, believed themselves to be on the eve of regenerating their fellows through "the progress of enlightenment" (349). The way was open to the "social mysticism" of romanticism and, from there, to humanitarianism, socialist and liberal, to democratic mysticism. Since man is naturally good and it is society that perverts him, Rousseau concludes that the people, closer to primitive humanity and less subject to the influence of civilization, are better than the cultivated classes. "The man of Nature,instinctive and not spoiled by the intensive cultivation of the mind - that is to say the savage throughout the whole extent of the globe, and, in Europe, the common man, less affected by civilization than the bourgeois, - the man of Nature is an ally of God by privilege, therefore good by instinct and endowed with inspiration from on high when it comes for him to regulate the interests of the social body by taking the government of the thing public ”(350). Vox populi vox dei, the god in question being the artist.the god in question being the artist.the god in question being the artist.
An "aesthetic mysticism" was not long in revealing itself from the first Rousseauist generations, who presented the poet and the artist as the ally, the messenger and the favorite interpreter of an inspiring god and, consequently, as the guide. appointed societies in their march towards progress; by virtue of "the conviction (moreover very old in the human mind) which confuses lyrical inspiration with prophetic inspiration" (348).
From this aesthetic-passionate mysticism emerged, in generations where "the mental equilibrium is no longer intact, that of Diderot and Rousseau" (351), revolutions (352). A crystallization of Rousseauist sensibility, romanticism "[declared] the holy passions (desired by the allied goddess)" (353) and consequently the war on social order. Of feeling, of love, of goodness, of "natural reason", or even of "innate wisdom" (in L'Astrée, love is presented as the supreme activity of reason and of the will), in short of “passion” (354), considered as the voice of a benevolent divinity in the heart of man, all that He Europe had enthusiasts, whether they were artists, politicians or theorists, socialists or liberals, will wait for the social harmony of tomorrow (355). Passion is anarchic individualism, the spirit of revolt. “… The state of over-excitement and outburst (byronism) is therefore considered the noblest to which the human creature can rise. We use big words about everything. The generation of 1830 lives in an atmosphere of perpetual verbal exaggeration, of excessive gestures which are not always sincere, but aim to conform to the prevailing fashions.The normal and the rational (the bourgeois) are despised or even hated. The imagination freed from all discipline, takes pleasure in shows of excesses and crimes (Stendhal in Le Rouge or in his Italian short stories, as well as the revolutionary melodrama from which Hugo's theater partly proceeds). The French socialism which has just been born therefore finds, from the day after the July Days, an atmosphere very favorable to its expansion: it will be, in large part, the source of Marx's more brutal German socialism. In the demagogic preaching of the agitators of this time, insists M. Reynaud, we again encounter the whole range of impulses created and developed by mystical naturism at the end of the previous century: the need for emotion and noise, research advantageous attitudes, a taste for the extraordinary,of the tenebrous; enthusiasm, sometimes without a clearly defined object; above all blind faith in the divine mission of the popular masses to govern France, and in that of revolutionary France to transform the world ”(356).
“It's Pan who makes the revolution. He is the revolution ”, declares one of the“ educated and intelligent ”young people who toast the god at a banquet commemorating the revolution of February 1848, in“ The Pagan School ”. What does Pan represent to them? George Sand, republican and socialist, chants that "the time of the people has arrived" and, with it, that of Pan (357). Charles Nodier, "religious under the Republic, Girondin and Vendée all together under the consulate, liberal and sulky under the empire, then royalist with lukewarmness" (358), prophesies, through the mouth of the Illyrian brigand leader Jean Sbogar, character of the eponymous novel (1818), which “[all] the voices of the earth announced once the great Pan was dead. It was the emancipation of slaves. When you hear them a second time,it will be the emancipation of the poor - and then the usurpation of the world will begin again ”(359). The chthonic nature of the people is underlined by Gérard de Nerval in a passage from an article entitled "Le Diable rouge" where, after noticing that the words "devil" and "demon" are both derived from "demos" ( "People"), he indicates that "[the] image [that] Father Kircher" of Démogorgon (360) - which the French writer and poet mistakes for a deity of Greek mythology and which he associates to Lucifer and precisely to the entity he calls "Red Devil", "would rather seem to represent the great Pan, that is to say the spirit of the earth to which modern pantheism relates its adorations and its homage" ( 361). Representative of Saône-et-Loire in the Legislative Assembly (1850-1851),elected on June 7, 1869 to the National Assembly, where he sat on the extreme left (resigned, he was re-elected on February 8, 1871), Alphonse Esquiros (1812-1876) had entered the career of letters by a collection of poems that Victor Hugo who "sometimes abused the censer in his generous sympathy" (362) had praised. He had achieved fame through two novels,Le Magicien (1834) (363) - he prided himself on the occult and was in favor of the “plurality of soul existences” (364) - and Charlotte Corday (1840), to be imprisoned eight months for the publication of L 'Gospel of the people(1840), where he recklessly portrayed Jesus as a social reformer. He pronounced, even more feminist than his wife (365), that “God […] [it] is the infinite Pan from which humanity emerges”. The theosophist and disciple of Jacob Boehme, Louis-Claude de Saint-Martin and Antoine Fabre d'Olivet (366) Pierre-Simon Ballanche (1776-1847), whose “heart […] has never ceased to be burning of Christian feelings ”(367) - in his eyes,“ [t] he true Christianity is humanity; gentility is the exclusion of humanity. Thus Christianity is the religion of the human race ”(368) - celebrated in Orpheus a“ new man […] a plebeian hero […], Bacchus, brilliant Phanes of the active principle made accessible to all, unknown god of plebeian emancipation , [who] will in turn dethrone the formidable patriciats to whom,according to the immutable laws of progress, the pacified empire of the Titans was delivered ”(369), so, he writes inOrpheus, that, according to the no less immutable laws of "social palingenesis", "(the world disrupted by a fallen intelligence [recovers] its primitive harmony by this same intelligence" (370). For Victor Hugo, Pan, c ' is the archetype of the revolutionary ("Place à Tout! I am Pan; Jupiter! on your knees", "The Satyr" [1859]) and, consequently in this context, the very "principle" of the Republic, " one and indivisible ": thanks, he prophesies, to the" glorious democratic instinct "," man has gone beyond fraternity to arrive at adherence. Adhesion with what? With Pan; with Everything. For the peculiarity of the solidarity is not to admit exclusion "(371); the feeling of witnessing the birth of a" great social whole "was so general that Alfred de Vigny,while judging that pantheism was an “interior barbarism” (372), felt “being formed by the whole world as a moral communion which does not prevent the rebirth or the preservation of spiritual communions, but which imposes on them the restraint and the dignity of freedom, obliges them to behave among themselves like sisters, and to give a new extension to the biblical principle, to the Christian principle of human fraternity ”(373).
The Republic, universalist, needed a universal religion. Sketched, as we have seen above, by Ficino, developed in the 16th century by the bishop, philologist and Italian philosopher Augustinus Steuchus and his De perenni philosophia (1540), in the 17th century by Leibniz (374), systematized at the Eve of the Revolution by the Freemason Antoine Court de Gébelin, Fabre d'Olivet, the archaeologist and philologist Friedrich Creuzer (1771-1858) and, above all, the anti-Masonic mythographer, member of the Convention (1792-1795) , then at the Council of the Five Hundred (1795-1799), Charles-François Dupuis in the Origin of All Cults, or Universal Religion, denounced shortly after as a "new system of atheism" (375), the conception of a "general religion of mankind whose dogmas, more or less formal, more or less obscured, are based in all beliefs" (376) - taken up at the end of the 19th century by the Theosophical Society, then, seasoned with the concept of initiation, by René Guénon and Fritjof Schuon and his transcendent unity of religions, to be popularized by Aldous Huxley and take the name of "perennialism" or that of "sophia perennis", religious side of globalism, in the last decades of the twentieth century - benefited from the support of many republican propagandists of weight, including Hugo who, in "Sagesse" (1840), implicitly prophesied its advent. : “Pan doesn't need to be prayed to and loved / O wisdom! pure mind! supreme serenity! / Zeus!Irmensul! Wishnou! Jupiter! Jehovah! / God whom Socrates sought and whom Jesus found! / One God! true God! only mystery! only soul! »Republican like Hugo, but, unlike him, from the very beginning, the historian, poet, philosopher, politician (he was elected deputy of Ain to the Constituent Assembly in 1848, then re-elected in 1849) and member of the Grand Orient Edgar Quinet (1803-1875) “affirm [ed] the unity of the human race from its starting point and indicated the goal of its long journey through the centuries, the fraternal renewal of primitive unity; collecting the living idea contained in each of the religions of the past, he grouped together all these divine conceptions of humanity and, in this way, prepared the higher dogma which, in the future, will be able to dominate and reconcile the enemy dogmas ”( 377) and,the same year as the publication of "Sagesse" sparked an uproar in the Catholic press, after, in the courses he gave in Lyon, he had solemnly declared that Pan was not dead (378).
Pan almost entered the Pantheon a few weeks after the liberal and progressive Lamartine, laudator of a “Pan mysterious, insoluble problem” (“Harold”, 1836), after having been charged with proclaiming the Second Republic, had been appointed minister of 'Interior of the Provisional Government (February 24 - May 9, 1848). The Director of Fine Arts had in fact ordered the decoration of the Pantheon from the painter Chenavard and the project had been adopted by the government of the Freemason Ledru-Rollin. The sketch carried “the names, symbols and forms of all the divinities, their cults, myths and prophets, peoples and heroes, [who] were to compose the unity of the great Pan that all mankind adores under a multitude of pseudonyms. The immense representation, episode by episode, of the religious history of the world, is summed up in 'the idol',or 'plastic image' expressing, through the centuries, the feeling of the collective man worshiping a collective god ”(379). Gautier unreservedly approved the sketches, in particular the high altar of “this pantheistic temple, because the mission of pantheism is to absorb into its vast bosom all ideas and all forms; it does not exclude any religion, it assimilates them all ”(380).
Christian apologists taxed all romantic authors, who were not all socialists (381), with "paganism" (382) and "pantheism", without seeing or wanting to see or that their paganism was strongly tinged with Christian religiosity (383 ), that their humanitarianism, their social progressivism only prolonged the millennial communist of the still rough-hewn oriental cult that was early Christianity (384), nor that, as the Scottish theologian and pastor John Hunt (1827–1827) showed. 1907), "not only the fathers of the Church, but even the biblical writers spoke of the super-personality of God and his immanence in the world in words often as striking as those of those called pantheists" (385). In fact, the pantheism of the 19th century "neo-pagans" was, as one might expect,more sentimental than theological. This is all he needed to be transmissible to the masses, to make them a "democratic whole" in which individuality tends to be absorbed, to disappear, "entirely democratic, but fractional, which cannot be represented. neither by a man, nor by a government, but only by an administration ”(386). We call the corresponding power "panic power", not only because it is exercised on a "totality", but also because it is modeled on the way in which the shepherd leads his flock and that fear is one of its main sources. It has its origin in eastern royalty.to make them a "democratic whole" in which individuality tends to be absorbed, to disappear, "entirely democratic, but fractional, which can not be represented by a man, nor by a government, but only by an administration "(386). We call the corresponding power "panic power", not only because it is exercised on a "totality", but also because it is modeled on the way in which the shepherd leads his flock and that fear is one of its main sources. It has its origin in eastern royalty.to make them a "democratic whole" in which individuality tends to be absorbed, to disappear, "entirely democratic, but fractional, which can not be represented by a man, nor by a government, but only by an administration "(386). We call the corresponding power "panic power", not only because it is exercised on a "totality", but also because it is modeled on the way in which the shepherd leads his flock and that fear is one of its main sources. It has its origin in eastern royalty.not only because it is exercised on a "totality", but also because it is modeled on the way in which the shepherd leads his flock and that fear is one of his main springs. It has its origin in eastern royalty.not only because it is exercised on a "totality", but also because it is modeled on the way in which the shepherd leads his flock and that fear is one of his main springs. It has its origin in eastern royalty.
BK, July 2019 (edited December 24, 2020)

(1) Apollodorus, Library, I, 4, 264; Nonnus, Dionysaca, I, 41, 90; Ovide, Les Fastes, II, 2, 290. See, concerning the establishment of the Arcadians in this region of the center of the Peloponnese, which would have taken place around 1500 before our era, Raoul-Rochette, Histoire critique de la establishment des Greek colonies, t. 1, Treuttel and Würtz, Paris, 1815, p. 331.
(2) Stephen of Byzantium asserts that Hippis of Rhegium (early 5th century BCE) - the first, according to Suidas, to have written a history of Sicily - was the first to call the Arcadians proselênoi, considering them , they and not, like other writers of antiquity, the Egyptians, as the oldest people in the world (David Smith, Hippys of Rhegium (BNJ 554), 2013, https://www.academia.edu/3596368 / Hippys_of_Rhegium_BNJ_554). Moreover, Arcadia is also called "land of the giants" ("Gigontex") by Stephen of Byzantium, because it is in the valley of Bathos, in Arcadia, that the last battle between the gods and the gods took place. giants, who were all slain; in commemoration, the Arcadians went there to sacrifice to storms, lightning and thunder, by imitating the noise of these meteorological phenomena (Pierre-Nicolas Rolle, Religions de la Grecie, t. 1, Châtillon-sut-Seine, 1828 , p. 482).
(3) Babinet, The Earth Before Geological Epochs. In Revue des Deux Mondes, 2nd series of the new period, t. 10, 1855 [p. 702-26], p. 723.
(4) Laurent Gourmelen, Le crime de Lykaon: stakes and significations of a tale of death (Pausanias, VIII, 2), in Gérard Jacquin (ed.), Le Récit de la mort, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, OpenEdition Books , 2016 [p. 15-38]; David Smith, op. cit.
(5) Angelo De Gubernatis, Mythologie zoologique, or, Les Légendes Animales, translated from English by Paul Régnaud, A. Durand and Pedone Lauriel, Paris, 1874, p. 414.
(6) See Philippe Borgeaud, Research on the god pan: thesis, Droz, 1979, p. 31. It seems that the Arcadians ate the acorn of a variety of oak called quercus aegilops, known for its nutritive and inebriating virtues (FV Mérat and AJ de Lens, Dictionary of universal medical matter and therapy, vol. 5: OQ , H.- B. Baillière, Paris, 1833, p. 579; see also Olivier Aurenche. Balanophagie: myth or reality? In Paléorient, 1997, vol. 23, n ° 1 [p. 75-85].
(7) See François Hartog, Mémoire d'Ulysse, Narratives on the Frontier in Ancient Greece, Gallimard, “Essais” collection, 1996.
(8) “In ancient Greek, the word means the limit of what is within sight and, by extension, the regions which were out of sight, out of sight. If we consider the relief of the Greek countries, these border areas often correspond to mountain areas, but not only. It can be all the regions of the territory furthest from the heart of the city: the most rugged lands, but also swamps, coastal flood plains or small uninhabited islets. However, it should not be systematically considered that these areas are not cultivated. The word can refer to isolated farms in the countryside, far from the urban center. When it designates areas that are effectively uncultivated, this does not mean that this part of the territory is not exploited either.Grazing grounds for goats and sheep, they are traversed by shepherds… ”(Marie-Françoise Baslez, Economies and societies in ancient Greece 478-88, Atlande, 2007, p. 233)“ In addition, the eschatiai also seem to often escape the regime of private property which, for the Greeks, rested primarily on sowing and planting. The status of the eschatiai was therefore that of a public land (chora dèmosia) of which Aristotle made one of the two main categories of soil in cities ”(Christophe Chandezon, Displacements de Troupeaux et cités grecques [Ve-Ier S. av. JC], in Pierre-Yves Laffont [ed.], Transhumance and summer in the West from origins to current challenges, Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Toulouse, 2006, p. 56).Economies and societies in ancient Greece 478-88, Atlande, 2007, p. 233) “In addition, the eschatiai also often seem to escape the regime of private property which, for the Greeks, rested primarily on sowing and planting. The status of the eschatiai was therefore that of a public land (chora dèmosia) of which Aristotle made one of the two main categories of soil in cities ”(Christophe Chandezon, Displacements de Troupeaux et cités grecques [Ve-Ier S. av. JC], in Pierre-Yves Laffont [ed.], Transhumance and summer in the West from origins to current challenges, Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Toulouse, 2006, p. 56).Economies and societies in ancient Greece 478-88, Atlande, 2007, p. 233) “In addition, the eschatiai also often seem to escape the regime of private property which, for the Greeks, rested primarily on sowing and planting. The status of the eschatiai was therefore that of a public land (chora dèmosia) of which Aristotle made one of the two main categories of soil in cities ”(Christophe Chandezon, Displacements de Troupeaux et cités grecques [Ve-Ier S. av. JC], in Pierre-Yves Laffont [ed.], Transhumance and summer in the West from origins to current challenges, Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Toulouse, 2006, p. 56).The status of the eschatiai was therefore that of a public land (chora dèmosia) of which Aristotle made one of the two main categories of soil in cities ”(Christophe Chandezon, Displacements de Troupeaux et cités grecques [Ve-Ier S. av. JC], in Pierre-Yves Laffont [ed.], Transhumance and summer in the West from origins to current challenges, Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Toulouse, 2006, p. 56).The status of the eschatiai was therefore that of a public land (chora dèmosia) of which Aristotle made one of the two main categories of soil in cities ”(Christophe Chandezon, Displacements de Troupeaux et cités grecques [Ve-Ier S. av. JC], in Pierre-Yves Laffont [ed.], Transhumance and summer in the West from origins to current challenges, Presses Universitaires du Mirail, Toulouse, 2006, p. 56).
(9) Ibid. A band of thieves raged in the province of South Limburg at the end of the 18th century. The villagers they terrorized had nicknamed them “Bokkerijders” because, according to them, they rode in the air on the backs of goats. “In the Velvet cave [of the castle] of Valkenburg [ https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/kasteelruine-fluweelengrot ], says a contributor to a Dutch almanac from the beginning of the 20th century, I saw of their meetings, where worship was given to the goat ”(T. Pluim, Wetenswaardig Allerlei, 2nd ed. augmented, P. Noordhoff, Groningue, 1922, p. 29).
“The captain, dressed in a long black robe, stood in front of the altar and next to him a Bokkerijder with a book which contained the text of the oath and recommendations. Other gang members were watching. Two candles, or a lamp, were lit on the altar, at the foot of which stood a crucifix and an image of the Most Holy Virgin. The petitioner waited in the background for everything to be ready, then he was led to the place of prayer, around which he sometimes had to crawl three times. He was made to drink brandy in large quantities, then he entered the chapel backwards; he gave his name, his first name, his age and his profession, raised his left arm, raised the first two fingers of his left hand and put his right foot on the crucifix or the image of the Lady. In this position, he took an oath:'I renounce God and his saints, I promise to stay true to the tape and never reveal anything, even on the grid, and if I had to make a confession under torture, I would take them out afterwards. I will behave like a good Christian, I will confess and go to Communion, but I will not confess anything to the confessor about thefts, burned letters or murders. I agree to be present at all nightly meetings to which I am invited and not to commit any theft without orders from my superiors. 'burnt letters or murders. I agree to be present at all nightly meetings to which I am invited and not to commit any theft without orders from my superiors. 'burnt letters or murders. I agree to be present at all nightly meetings to which I am invited and not to commit any theft without orders from my superiors. '
“This formula and the circumstances in which it was pronounced may differ slightly between regions and localities, but the oath is essentially the same everywhere in Land van Loon and in the overseas countries…” (Jan Juliaan Melchior, De bokkerijders : feiten en verhalen, De Lijster, 1981). Like any gang, the bokkerijders had their gibberish, a mixture of gypsy terms and Hebrew words ( https://archeoroutelimburg.nl/en/evenement/archaeological-site-nederweert-prison#content ). Their booty was also most often sold to Jews (Louise Nelson, Bokerijders, http://www.caans-acaen.ca/Journal/issues_online/Issue_V_ii_1984/NELSON.pdf, p. 3). This is because the bokkerijders, like the other groups of bandits then rife in the countries of northern Europe, were made up mainly of Jews and Gypsies (Letizia Paoli, The Oxford Handbook of Organized Crime, Oxford University Press, 2014 , p. 64).
The most famous mythical robber in modern history, Robin Wood, was surrounded by a caprine aura, by his identification with Puck, an identification which, contrary to what Mathias Lehn asserts, The Character of Puck (Publibook, 2012) , is not attributable to Shakespeare, who, in constructing the character of Puck in A Midsummer Night's Dream, drew on pre-existing popular traditions (see William Bell, Shakespeare's Puck and His Folklore, vol. 1, London , 1852). The Puck is an Anglo-Saxon equivalent of the goblin. However, the word "puck" is a variant of that of "buck" ("goat"), as shown by the traditional English expression of "hairy as a puck-goat's hair" (see PR Wilkinson, Thesaurus of Traditional English Metaphors, 2nd ed., Routledge, 2003; the etymology of "buck / puck" proposed by William Bell, op. Cit. P. 119,interests our subject: Engl. "Balk", all. “Balken,“ beam anchoring a roof ”, especially since the corresponding Latin word is caprificus,“ wild figiuer ”, tree dedicated to Bacchus).
It would be interesting to know if other bands of thieves have (had) the goat as a totemic animal. In any case, one of the members of the most famous gang of the last three centuries has a soft spot for the goat symbolism: https://themindcircle.com/rare-photos-1972-rothschild-illuminati-party/; https://illuminatisymbols.info/baroness-philippine-de-rothschild-baphomet/; https://i.redd.it/13pt59511t001.jpg .
(10) Ibid., P. 62.
(11) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 100.
(12) See https://elementsdeducationraciale.wordpress.com/2014/07/01/la-liberte-un-concept-desclaves-3 as well as Edouard des Places, Nature et Loi. In Classical Antiquity, t. 16, fasc. 2, 1947 [p. 329-36].
(13) Philippe Borgeaud, The Cult of Pan in Ancient Greece, translated by Kathleen Atlass and James Redfield, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 1988, p. 68.
(14) See ibid., P. 252.
(15) Sylvie Vilatte, Space and Time: the Aristotelian City of Politics. In Annales Littéraires of the University of Besançon, vol. 141, p. 149.
(16) Aubin-Louis Millin, Ancient monuments, unpublished or newly explained, t. 1, Paris, 1802, p. 176.
(17) Philippe Borgeaud, Recherches…, op. cit., p. 135.
(18) Charles Magnin, The origins of modern theater, vol. 1, L. Hachette, Paris, 1838, p. 50. Vases found in the temple of Arthemis Orthia in Sparta and dated to the 7th or 6th century BC depict goats standing on their hind legs in the posture of dancers (George A. Christopoulos, The Archaic Period, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1975, p. 92).
(19) The etymologies of the name “Pan” are almost numberless. In addition to those mentioned in the body of the study, let us point out that according to which it comes from the Greek verb "páein" ("to graze") or from the Greek substantive "pa", contracted form of "peacock" ("shepherd") (Christopher P. Long, Socratic and Platonic Political Philosophy: Practicing a Politics of Reading, Cambridge University Press, 2014, p. 128, note 1), or from the Indo-European root “* pa” (“watch, protect, nourish ”) (Judith Peraino, Listening to the Sirens: Musical Technologies of Queer Identity from Homer, University of California Press, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, p. 23); see, for yet another etymology of this name, infra, note 92.
(20) Pausanias, VIII, 30, 2; III, 31, 1.
(21) Id., VIII, 37, 8 et seq.
(22) Victor Bérard, On the origin of Arcadian cults: an essay on method in Greek mythology, Thorin et Fils, Paris, 1894, p. 61.
(23) Ibid.
(24) Report presented to His Excellency the Minister of Public Education and Worship, by Mr. Delacoulonche, former member of the French School of Athens, on the history, manners and customs of the peoples of the ancient Arcadia. In Review of Learned Societies in France and Abroad, vol. 2, Paris, 1857, p. 346-7. Adonis (Atys), Osiris, Hermes, Aesculapius, Bacchus (Dionysos), Hercules Janus, etc., the Numidian writer, philosopher and philologist Macrobe identified just about all gods with the sun,, the value of Pan's identification in the sun by the Orphics, who, besides Pan, also identified a plethora of gods in the sun (J. Garnier, The Worship of the Dead, Chapman & Hall, London, 1904, p. 52).
(25) Edward William Lane, Description of Egypt: Notes and Views in Egypt and Nubia, Made During the, The American University in Cairo Press, 2000, p. 516; Georg Friedrich Creuzer, Religions de l'Antiquité, translated from German, revised in part, completed and developed by JD Guigniaut, t. 3, 3rd part, Firmin Didot Frères, Paris, 1851, p. 948.
(26) Histoire d'Hérodote, translation by Pierre-Henri Larcher, t. 1, VI, 105, Charpentier, 1850, p. 50. “This is what the race was all about. A man, torch in hand, ran from the altar of the god in whose honor this race was being celebrated, to a certain goal, without extinguishing his torch. If the torch of the one who runs first goes out, he yields it to the second, and the latter to the third, if the same accident happens to him. If the third is this unhappy, the prize is not awarded to anyone. This feast was celebrated in honor of several deities, such as Minerva, Vulcan, Prometheus, Pan, Aesculapius, etc. In the Panathenaia, or celebrations of Minerva, the lampadophores left from Piraeus; and of Ceramics, or of the Academy, in that of Vulcan and Prometheus. There was in the Academy a statue of Love, consecrated by Pisistratus,where the sacred torch was lit in the races held in honor of these gods. "(Ibid., Note 1)
(27) Pausanias, II, 24, 7; Palatine Anthology, VI, 154.
(28) Theocritus, V, 58; Palatine Anthology, II, 630, 697; VI, 96, 239; VII, 59.
(29) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 79 and sqq.
(30) Homère, Hymnes, text drawn up and translated by Jean Humbert, Les Belles Lettres, 1936, p. 209. Others (Peter McDonald, The Homeric Hymns, Fyfield Books, 2016, p. 16) believe that its writing is no earlier than the beginning of the fifth century. Still others (Nicholas Richardson [ed.], Three Homeric Hymns: To Apollo, Hermes, and Aphrodite, Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 24) trace it back to the 5th century BC.
(31) Henri Hignard, Des hymnes homériques, Auguste Durand, Paris, 1864, p. 121, see also chap. 1: How these hymns reached us and chap 2: Old testimonies on the Homeric hymns.
(32) Pausanias VIII. 30, 2.
(33) Aeschylus, The Persians, v. 448; Homeric hymn, VI, 6, 13, 20; Pausanias, VIII, 42, 2.
(34) Homeric Hymn VII, 5; Pausanias, VIII, 38, 8; Ovid, The Fastes, II, 271, 277; Virgil, Bucoliques, i., 33.
(35) Théocrite, V, 15, Anthologie Palatine VI, 239, x, 10.
(36) Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon (ed. Kurt Latte; 1953), t.1, p. 30, sv Ἀγρεύς.
(37) Théocrite, VII, 107.
(38) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 100.
(39) Apollodorus, I, 4, 1. The gifts both musical and prophetic of Pan are to be put in relation with the link which existed between the music and the prophecy in the civilizations of the ancient Near and Middle East and particularly in Israel (Martti Nissinen, Ancient Prophecy: Near Eastern, Biblical, and Greek Perspectives, Oxford University Press, 2017, p. 178, 188, 190).
(40) Auguste Bouché-Leclercq, History of divination in antiquity, Éditions Jerôme Millon, Grenoble, 2003, p. 533-4; Françoise Ruzé, Pierre Sineux (1961-2016). In Ancient History Dialogues, vol. 42, n ° 1, 2016 [p. 19-26]. The first forms of incubation seem to have appeared in antiquity, in Assyria, Babylonia and Egypt (André Taffin, Comment on rêve dans les temples d'Esculape. In Bulletin of the Association Guillaume Budé, n ° 3, October 1960 [p. 325-66], p. 326). In the Near and Middle East, however, incubation was not conceived, as it would later be in Greece, once imported into that country, as a therapy, but as "a method of divination consisting of obtaining divine guidelines for the good conduct of daily life or for success in exceptional affairs,such as the construction of a temple (Gudéa), going to war (Assurbanipal), a divine vocation (Samuel), etc. (Toufic Fahd, La Divination arabe: religious, sociological and folkloric studies on the native environment of Islam, Sindbad, 1987, p. 367).
(41) Auguste Bouché-Leclercq, op. cit., p. 727-8.
(42) Thierry Tiedemann, Memoir on the god Pan. In Memoirs of the Society of Antiquities of Cassel, vol. 1, 1780, Society of Antiquities of Cassel, p. 169.
(43) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 82-3.
(44) Isabelle Tassignon, Iconography and Dionysian religion in Gaul Belgium and in the two Germanies, Droz, Geneva, 1996, p. 97; Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 115.
(45) Serv. ad Virgil, Georgics, I, 16; Schol, ad, Lycophron, 766; Schol, ad, Théocrite, I, 3. Quite early in the literary tradition, the representation of Odysseus's wife begins to vary from one extreme to another. Model of conjugal fidelity and chastity in the Homeric gesture and then among popular writers, it is depicted by philosophers as the worst of libertines (Marie-Madeleine Mactoux, Pénélope. Legend and myth, University of Franche-Comté, Besançon, 1975 , p. 98, cited in Barbara Dell Abate-Çelebi, Penelope's Daughters, Zea Books, Lincoln, NB, 2016, https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google .fr / & httpsredir = 1 & article = 1038 & context = zeabook , p. 19).
(46) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 117.
(47) Dion Chrysostome, Discours, VI, 20.
(48) Yves Bonnefoy (ed.), Greek and Egyptian Mythologies, edited by Wendy Doniger, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, p. 204-5.
(49) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 117.
(50) Ibid., P. 118.
(51) Ibid., P. 120.
(52) Ibid., P. 132.
(53) Ovid, Metamorphoses, I, 691; Serv, ad Virgil, Bucolics, II, 31; Virgil. Georgics, 391, Macrobe, Saturnalia, c. 22.
(54) Combarieu exposes his theory in Histoire de la musique des origines à la XXe siècle, 3 vols., A. Colin, Paris, 1913-1919. We do not take it literally. It is in fact all too obvious, on the one hand, that the evolution of the incantation in music is not as clear-cut as he claims and, on the other hand, that the incantation may have survived in its primitive form after the music has entered its religious phase, in the same way that religious music did not disappear with the birth of secular music and that it is not to be excluded a priori that modern chants the most cutesy exude antediluvian spells.The correspondence that we venture to establish between the four divinities who presided over music in Egypt and the different stages of the evolution of music according to Combarieu has no demonstrative value. It is a simple way of structuring the exposition of this interesting theory.
(55) Magic is, to use the definition given by Julius Evola (Rivolta contro il mondo moderno, Edizioni Mediterranee, Rome, 2013 [1st ed .: 1934], p. 88) “a binding and determining action on invisible forces and interior states, similar to that which […] is exerted in present times on physical forces and states of matter ”. Likewise, for the British ethnologist Frazer, there is nothing mystical about magic; it is founded on the idea "of the regularity of natural phenomena, an order of facts which occur in an invariable succession, without any human intervention, in fact," the magician is absolutely convinced that the same causes will occur, without being never deny the same effects', its conception would thus be 'similar in all points to that of modern science'. Since then,this natural order is interpreted in such a way that things act on each other at a distance by 'sympathy'. This designates only a connection of beings and things by a direct affinity; it has no relation to emotivity ”(Brigitte Sitbon-Peillon Religion, metaphysics and sociology at Bergson: An integral experience, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 2009). Frazer distinguishes two forms of magic, the imitative and the sympathetic. The first is based on the law of similars, by virtue of which like calls for like, an effect is similar to its cause. The second is based on the law of contact and contagion,by virtue of which things which have been in contact with one another and which have ceased to be so continue to have the same influence over each other as if their contact had continued. “From the first of these principles, the (sorcerer) deduces that he can produce what he wishes by imitating him; from the second he deduces that he can influence from afar, at his will, any person and any object of which he owns a single part ”(JG Frazer, Le rameau d'Or, Étude sur la MAGIC et la religion, translated from the English by R. Stiébel and J. Toutain, 3 vols., Schleicher, Paris, 1903-1911, cited in Albert Dufourcq, The future of Christianity: The Christian past; life and thought, 5th ed. recast, Bloud et Cie, Paris, p. 62).from the second he deduces that he can influence from afar, at his will, any person and any object of which he owns a single part ”(JG Frazer, Le rameau d'Or, Étude sur la MAGIC et la religion, translated from the English by R. Stiébel and J. Toutain, 3 vols., Schleicher, Paris, 1903-1911, cited in Albert Dufourcq, The future of Christianity: The Christian past; life and thought, 5th ed. recast, Bloud et Cie, Paris, p. 62).from the second he deduces that he can influence from afar, at his will, any person and any object of which he owns a single part ”(JG Frazer, Le rameau d'Or, Étude sur la MAGIC et la religion, translated from the English by R. Stiébel and J. Toutain, 3 vols., Schleicher, Paris, 1903-1911, cited in Albert Dufourcq, The future of Christianity: The Christian past; life and thought, 5th ed. recast, Bloud et Cie, Paris, p. 62).
As regards music more particularly, it is interesting to note that, in an article entitled Dell'opposizione contingente allo sviluppo spirituale (Introduzione alla magia, t. 2, Edizioni Mediterranee, 1992, p. 303), Piero Negri ranks it among the obstacles to the effectiveness of magical practices.
(56) Jules Combarieu, op. cit., t. 1, A. Colin, Paris, 1913, p. 7. Among the Romans, the law of the Twelve Tables provided for severe penalties against those who had "enchanted" the harvest of others (Ibid.).
(57) L'Âge Nouveau, 1938, p. 160.
(58) Jules Combarieu, op. cit., p. 67.
(59) Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, I, 12.
(60) Frédéric Rouffet, The Egyptian Magic Ritual as an Image of the Court. In Droit et cultures, n ° 71, n ° 1, 2016 [p. 163–78]. It is a question here of Horus the Elder, but, as regards Horus the Child, the fact that he was represented with the finger in front of his mouth is not contradictory with his association, as an adult, with music, if we assume as a hypothesis that this sign of silence indicates the occult powers of music.
(61) Gaston Maspéro, Studies of Mythology and Egyptian Archeology, t. 1, p. 372-85, cited in Jules Combarieu, Music and magic (2nd Lesson). - XII. (From The Stenography Of Mr. Flachat, In Montreuil Sous-Bois). In La Revue Musicale, vol. 5, No. 18, October 1, 1905.
(62) Ibid.
(63) See Jules Combarieu, Histoire…, p. 22-3.
(64) J. Adrien de La Fage, General History of Music and Dance, vol. 2: Antiquity, Paris, 1844, p. 20.
(65) See, regarding the close association between music and sexuality in the cult of Hathor, Gay Robins, Gender and Sexuality, in Melinda K. Hartwig (ed.), A Companion to Ancient Egyptian Art, Wiley Blackwell, 2015 [p. 120-41], p. 130 and Lise Manniche, Music and Musicians in Ancient Egypt, British Museum Press, 1991, chap. 9: Music and sexuality; in Egyptian art, musicians, decked out in heavy wigs and accompanied by monkeys, often adopt lascivious poses, Carolyn Graves-Brown, Dancing for Hathor: Women in Ancient Egypt, Continuum, London, 2010, https: // epdf. tips / dancing-for-hathor-women-in-ancient-egypt.html). Around mid-July, when the heat was most scorching, the orgiastic feast of Hathor was celebrated, "the solemnity of 'she who has returned' or 'she who is brought back.' The beautiful feast of Hathor was beginning and its essential moment was 'the appeasement of her blazing heat' or 'the ritual of appeasement of the Mighty, Sekhmet'. With plenty of alcoholic beverages, we then prepared in all the sacred workshops, the red liquid that we would offer to Sekhmet-Hathor in the midst of songs, dances, the unbridled music of sisters and lutes. Sacred drunkenness reigned supreme on those days, and, going well beyond the walls of the sacred enclosures, allowed the good people to drink as much as they wanted and without anyone being able to find fault, for it was in honor of Hathor, lady of drunkenness, lady of music and song.It was again, for all those who had to appeal to divine justice or, more simply, to show clairvoyance, the opportunity to use the drink offered to HathorSekhmet-the Eye-of-Re. Others will write one day what really contained the vasQ-menou, solemnly consecrated to the divine Eye, and whose liquid was then absorbed by the interpreter of the oracles or the litigant. Let us be content to say that it combined all the ancient resources, before alcoholic distillation was known, to ensure that the drink reached the highest possible degrees ”(Jean-Claude Goyon, Hahtor, L'ivraie et l ' drunkenness, p. 10-1,Others will write one day what really contained the vasQ-menou, solemnly consecrated to the divine Eye, and whose liquid was then absorbed by the interpreter of the oracles or the litigant. Let us be content to say that it combined all the ancient resources, before alcoholic distillation was known, to ensure that the drink reached the highest possible degrees ”(Jean-Claude Goyon, Hahtor, L'ivraie et l ' drunkenness, p. 10-1,Others will write one day what really contained the vasQ-menou, solemnly consecrated to the divine Eye, and whose liquid was then absorbed by the interpreter of the oracles or the litigant. Let us be content to say that it combined all the ancient resources, before alcoholic distillation was known, to ensure that the drink reached the highest possible degrees ”(Jean-Claude Goyon, Hahtor, L'ivraie et l ' drunkenness, p. 10-1,to ensure that the drink reaches the highest possible degrees ”(Jean-Claude Goyon, Hahtor, L'ivraie et l'ivresse, p. 10-1,to ensure that the drink reaches the highest possible degrees ”(Jean-Claude Goyon, Hahtor, L'ivraie et l'ivresse, p. 10-1,https://www.mom.fr/image_carto/ServiceImage/loret/loret_0990-5952_1992_bul_6/PDF/loret_0990-5952_1992_bul_6_p7-16.pdf ). See, on the subject of oriental influences on the sexual mores of the ancient Greeks, Hans Licht, Sexual Life in Ancient Greece, Constable, 1994.
(66) La grande encyclopédie: inventory raisonné des sciences, des lettres et des arts, vol. 21, H. Lamirault, 1885, p. 610.
(67) Ibid., P. 156. The “astronomical dance” was performed in Egyptian temples, to honor Apis. It would have been introduced in Greece by Orpheus. It is in his imitation that the Israelites would have imagined the dance around the golden calf (Fortunato Bartolomeo De Felice, Encyclopedia, t. 12, 1772, p. 710.).
(68) Hermetis Mercurii Trismegisti, cited in Dominique Marie Joseph Henry, Pharaonic Egypt: or, History of the institutions of the Egyptians under their national kings, vol. 2, Firmin Didot Frères, Paris, 1846, p. 357.
(69) Ibid.
(70) Id., Op. cit., vol. 1, p. 411. Aristotle, in chapter 9 of his Treatise on Heaven, criticizes the theory of the harmony of the spheres, introduced in Greece by the Pythagorean Philolaus around 400 BC (C. Huffman, Philolaus of Croton, Cambridge University Press, 1993 , p. 283; Charles H. Kahn, Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, Hackett Publishing Company, 2001, p. 26), as being false and insufficient.
(71) Nicolas-Etienne Framery and Ginguené, Methodical Encyclopedia, Music, t. 1, Panckoucke, Paris, 1791, p. 503; Jean-Baptiste Labat, Philosophical and Moral Studies on the History of Music, vol. 1, Paris, 1852, p. 62.
(72) See Georges Kastner, La harpe d'Éole et la musique cosmique, p. 15. “The seven pipes correspond to the seven planets, the shortest to the moon, the longest to Saturn. The same breath, starting from the fire of Ether and the sun, which merge in Pan, circulates through the seven planets and operates the agreement of the seven concentric spheres. This is the sacred scale of the seven sounds, which the learned priests of Egypt personified in their seven primordial powers. From the reunion of the seven spheres with the sky of fixed stars, of the seven great gods with an eighth, results the complete octonary, and Pan is this eighth god who comes to complete it. Hence its name of Eschmoun or Schmoun, which means the eighth. Pan is the great god of Chemmis, the artist of the speaking dance, as understood by the priestly system,while popular belief generally stuck with the goat-god, appearing in the spring in the sign of the Goat ”(Georg Friedrich Creuzer, op. cit., p. 170).
(73) Ibid., P. 15.
(74) Charles-François Dupuis (Origin of all cults, new ed., T. 3, H. Agasse, Paris, 1794, p. 67-8) summarizes the various fables relating to Aegypan as follows. : “Capricorn looks like Egypan (Germanicus). Its lower part is a fish, and the anterior part is the body of the Goat or the Caper. He deserved to be put into heaven, because he had been fed with Zeus by the Goat, his mother, who is also placed there. Its head is armed with horns (Eratosthenes).
“Epimenides says that Zeus and this goat were fed on Ida. We will remember that the birth of the god of light, Zeus, like that of Dionysus and Jesus, was placed at the winter solstice (Macrobe), a place that Capricorn has long occupied.
“The goat set off with Zeus to fight the Titans, and inspired them with this terror that we call panic, stirring in the sea conch which he had discovered (Eratosthenes). Zeus in gratitude placed him in heaven. It is this discovery of the conch, it is said, that gave him a fish tail; some say that it is because he had thrown against the enemies of the gods shells instead of stones (Hyginus, Theon). Others seek the origin of this form borrowed from the fish in the rains of this season; symbol repeated in Aquarius and Pisces, wet signs (Isidore of Seville, The Origins).
“There is another religious tradition on this sign. The Egyptian priests and poets after them relate that several gods having gathered in Egypt, Typhon their cruel enemy suddenly arose, and that seized with terror the gods sought their salvation in flight, and in a sudden change of form. Hermes (or rather Thoth) metamorphosed into an ibis, Apollo into a crane, Artemis into a cat. They add that this is even the origin of the cult that the Egyptians render to animals, which they regard as images of the gods. At the same time, Pan rushed into the river. The posterior part of his body turned into a fish, and the upper part into a Goat. In this monstrous form, he escaped Typhon. Zeus / Jupiter, charmed by his cunning, placed his new form (Hyginus) in the heavens.
"Germanicus relates this myth in more detail, and he tells us, according to Nigidius, that in the time that Python or Typhon inhabited a cave in the Taurus, Zeus assembled the gods, to advise on means of resisting their common enemy. , that they did not want to leave the earth, and on the other hand, not feeling themselves in a state to resist Typhon, they took the party to metamorphose into various animals, birds, fish or animals. The gods, in this form, were completely unknown to their enemy. This is, it is said, the origin of the respect the Egyptians still have for these animals today. Python, finding the field free, reigned tyrannically, proud of the fear he saw inspired in the gods. But these, after eighteen days, deliberated on the means to destroy it.These eighteen days have each year become feast days, the memory of which has been perpetuated in Egypt. ApolIon, armed with lightning, killed the monster in the temple of Apis, in Memphis, where the inauguration of the kings of Egypt was taking place.
“After the gods had punished Typhon, they placed in the heavens the image of Pan, or Egypan, which had taken the form of the Goat (Theon), and they erected a magnificent Temple to him in Panople. »
(75) Plutarch, Isis and Osirides, chap. XIII, cited in J. Adrien de La Fage, op. cit., p. 20. To relate to this myth as well as to the Pythagorean conception of number as the essence of music is the theory according to which music has developed as a form of "grooming", to maintain the cohesion of the various human groups, who, having become too numerous, threatened to lose her. This evolution would have occurred during prehistory (Sandra Garrido and Jane W. Davidson, Music, Nostalgia and Memory: Historical and Psychological Perspectives, Springer International Publishing, 2019, p. 2).
(76) Plato, Laws II, 656d - 657 b is often cited to question Diodorus' testimony. J. Adrien de La Fage (op. Cit., P. 58-61) tried to show that there is no contradiction between these two passages. “To reconcile these two authors, it is not even necessary to have recourse, as Villoteau does, to differences of time. We should not either adopt in an absolute way the idea of ​​Martini which supposes that the Egyptians banished the soft and effeminate music able to corrupt the mores, and not the male and generous music capable of forming and correcting them. ; the Egyptians did not ban any music, but only they did not allow such and such melodies to be used inconsiderately and out of place, or else substituted for those which had been used from time immemorial.One must likewise reject the opinion of Wilkinson, who thinks that Diodorus only meant that priests and elders never studied music as an art of pleasure, but applied themselves to it for a higher purpose; obviously this interpretation is too forced. To remove all appearance of contradiction, it suffices to impute to Plato and Diodorus only what each of them really wrote. Now, Plato in no way claimed that music in general was very honored and generally taught in Egypt, nor that artists enjoyed great credit there; he simply spoke of certain very beautiful special melodies, according to him, transmitted from age to age for a great number of centuries, to which it was expressly forbidden to make the slightest change and to which, much less,we were thinking of substituting others.
“Supposing with the philosopher, or to put it better with Strabo, that these melodies were learned by young people who received a good education, does this mean that music proper was one of the branches of teaching? Nothing in truth authorizes to say it, and it is abuse of the text of a writer to thus give extension to an idea which, taken quite naturally, furnishes a datum absolutely in conformity with other positive testimonies and respectable. Diodorus could therefore say with full reason that the study of music was forbidden to the Egyptians, because some pieces learned by ear do not constitute musical art.
"Diodorus is not in contradiction with Plato either, when he says that the Egyptians regarded music not only as useless, but also as harmful; the existence of ancient melodic types does not really prove anything against this opinion, and here we still find a connection to be made with modern habits. Has it not often happened to many priests of the Catholic religion to blame music in words and in writings for even anathematizing it, and wanting to banish it from the temples, in which, however, they readily admit plainsong? , which is only a branch of the musical tree? This was precisely what was happening with the Egyptian priests; they had melodies of their own, and found that, apart from that, all music was blameworthy or harmful:they had succeeded in sharing these ideas, not only with their whole caste, but also with that of the warriors who came after theirs; consequently, these did not study music, they abandoned the task of teaching it to people of the third class; it was the latter who exercised the musical profession more or less like a profession which served to entertain the rich in various circumstances […] it is on these occasions that the musicians sculpted or painted on ancient monuments are represented, and not a only an individual, an amateur singing or playing an instrument for fun or entertainment is offered. The ancient Egyptians viewed music in the same way as the modern inhabitants of the land; these peoples take pleasure in hearing the musicians who occupy their idleness for a moment,they even seem very sensitive to the charms of the melody, but not one of them thinks of cultivating the musical art himself by acquiring the necessary practice, and all profess for those who exercise it the most sovereign contempt ”
(77) François Daumas, E. Moutsopoulos. Music in Plato's Work. In Review of the history of religions, t. 159, n ° 1, 1961 [p. 103-4]). Montesquieu (Complete Works, t 3, Garnier frères, Paris, 1876, p. 162) gives the following explanation of the introduction of music into the education of the Greeks: “We were therefore very embarrassed in the Greek republics. We did not want citizens to work in commerce, agriculture, or the arts; we didn't want them to be idle either. They found an occupation in the exercises which depended on gymnastics, and in those which had to do with war. The institution gave them no others. We must therefore look at the Greeks as a society of athletes and fighters. Gold,these exercises, so peculiar to making people hard and savage, needed to be tempered by others which could soften manners. Music, which is attached to the mind by the organs of the body, was very peculiar to this. "It should be added that" [t] he music in Greece did not consist simply in the art of singing, either alone or in a choir, and in the art of drawing sounds from the lyre or others. instruments; it also contained the art of learning and repeating poems, of expressing oneself in an exact and elegant way, finally a whole series of objects which diversified and multiplied as general knowledge grew. 'grew: in the fifth century BC, in Athens, music masters taught astronomy, geography, physics,and supported discussions of dialectics on all the questions debated by those who took part in the movement of ideas […] the music contained all that the Greeks personified in the nine Muses, goddesses of science and the arts, that is, tell history, comedy, tragedy, light poetry and elegy, epic, astronomy, eloquence and lyrical poetry, dance, and music proper ”(E. van der Rest , Plato and Aristotle, Essay on the Beginnings of Political Science, Brussels, 1967, p. 151).eloquence and lyric poetry, dance, and music proper ”(E. van der Rest, Plato and Aristotle. Essay on the beginnings of political science, Brussels, 1967, p. 151).eloquence and lyric poetry, dance, and music proper ”(E. van der Rest, Plato and Aristotle. Essay on the beginnings of political science, Brussels, 1967, p. 151).
(78) Anthelme Édouard Chaignet, Pythagore et la philosophie pythagoricienne, t. 1, 2nd ed., Didier et Cie, Paris, 1874, p. 5.
(79) Annie Bélis, Music in Ancient Greece. In Practical School of Advanced Studies. 4th section, historical and philological sciences. Booklet 11, 1995-1996, 1997 [p. 85-89], p. 85.
(80) Jules Combarieu, op. cit., p. 100; a similar phenomenon occurred in the 18th century, with the invention of the "public concert" (David Ledent, L'institutionnalisation des concerts publics, Apparatus, n ° 3, 2009, available at the following address: http: // journals. openedition.org/appareil/809 , accessed June 03, 201).
(81) For example, Aristophanes, in Les Acharniens, “flatters himself (v. 630 ff.) To enlighten his public on the misdeeds of demagogues, and in the Cavaliers (v. 503 ff. And 1111 f.) [… ] he hopes to make the demos more reasonable and lucid ”(Adalberto Giovannini, Relations between states in ancient Greece: from the time of Homer to the Roman intervention [ca. 700-200 BC], Steiner , 2007, p. 9).
(82) See Henri-Joseph-Guillaume Patin, Etudes sur les tragiques grecs: Eschyle, 4th ed., Revised and corrected, Hachette et Cie, Paris, 1871, p. 355; Émile, Egger Essay on the history of criticism among the Greeks, A. Durand, Paris, 1849, p. 211.
(83) Quoted in François-Joseph Fétis, General History of Music from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, Vol. 1, t. 1, Paris, Firmin Didot Frères, 1869, p. 192. Regarding the Muses, it should be noted that they were first regarded as oracles; It was not until relatively recent times that they were each attributed a particular art (Camille Semenzato, Listening to the Muses in Archaic Greece, De Gruyter, Berlin and Boston, 2017, p. 29, 251) . However, as indicated in the body of our study, one of the genealogies of Pan presents him as the son of Jupiter Lycéen, or Arcadian and of Thymbris, nymph of the waters who would have communicated to him the art of prophecy, which he would then have taught Apollo (it is the Apollo Thymbrée, the name of the city of Phrygia where a temple had been raised to him) (Pseudo-Apollodorus,Bibliotheca 1. 4. 1).
(84) Ibid., P. 62-3.
(85) Ibid., P. 61.
(86) Collective, Description of Egypt, vol. 1, Paris, 1809, p. 423.
(87) Ibid.
(88) Egyptian musicians attached to a palace or a temple had a status comparable to that of civil servants (David Salvador, When art acts in the city: towards a new status of the musician. Music, musicology and the performing arts . Charles de Gaulle University - Lille III, 2016. French, p. 38-9). In spite of the taste of the Egyptians for music, the profession of musician and that of singer was exercised only by individuals of the lowest class of the people who, like the craftsmen, were declared incapable of doing another profession. Their children were to succeed them (F. -J. Fétis, op. Cit., P. 200). They seem to have been very numerous (Adrien de La Fage, op. Cit., P. 63). In Greece, the social status of professional musicians varied widely (Kalliopi Papadopoulos, Profession musicien: un 'don', un inheritance,a project ?, L'Harmattan, 2004, p. 25). In Greece of the classical period as in Egypt, professional musicians are rather numerous, they are generally courtesans, who exercise their talents in feasts and banquets; some musicians are attached to temples, which gives them the status of civil servant (David Salvador, op. cit., p. 45). In Pharaonic Egypt, as in the Near and Middle Eastern civilizations of the time, it was not uncommon for priestesses to also officiate as musicians and dancers (see Georges Colonna Ceccaldi, Ancient Monuments of Cyprus, of Syria and Egypt, Didier et cie, 1882). In ancient Rome, the musician was usually also a courtesan, but was not attached to a temple. From the second century BC, if not earlier,they learned their trade in schools which seem to have been reserved for them (Valérie Péché, Tibicinae, fidicinae, citharistriae, psaltriae: women musicians of the Roman comedy. In Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, vol. 80, fasc. 1, 2002. Antiquity - Oudheid [p. 133-57], p. 146).
(89) Alexis Pierron, History of Greek Literature, L. Hachette et Cie, 1850, p. 21-2.
(90) Fr. Aug. Gevaert, History and Theory of Music in Antiquity, t. 1, Ghent, 1875, p. 30.
The magical incantation was already no more than prayer, even if it was not yet a prayer in the mystical, Christian sense (see, regarding what separated the prayer sung in antiquity from the prayer as "elevation of the soul" as practiced in Christianity and Islam, Jules Combarieu, op. cit., p. 68).
(91) “Among the ancient peoples [who worshiped this goddess], the Pine was dedicated to Cybele, and we usually find him represented with this goddess. When priests celebrated its mysteries, they ran armed with thyrses, the ends of which were trimmed with pine cones and ribbons. Atys, young and handsome Phrygian, who, according to the fable, was passionately loved by Cybele, having taken a vow of chastity to this goddess, and having betrayed her by marrying the nymph Sangaride, Cybele punished her for it, according to 0vide, in the no one of her rival, whom she killed, and, according to others, by inspiring the unhappy Atys with such a fit of frenzy that he mutilated himself. The goddess, touched by a belated compassion towards this unfortunate man, changed him into a Pine, a tree which was devoted to him. Pine cones were also an attribute of Bacchus,and they were employed in the sacrifices and orgies which were made in his honor. The Pine was still consecrated to the god Sylvain, and the latter is often represented carrying in his left hand either a branch or pine fruit […] It is the light produced by the burning of the Pine trees that always illuminated the sacrifices made. to Isis and Ceres, and the latter was said to have used it to direct her steps when she was in search of her daughter Proserpina, kidnapped by the god of the underworld. The newlyweds only took their new wives to their house at night and by the light of torches made of pine wood, and these torches were almost the only ones used in atoning ceremonies ”(quoted in Elie-Abel Carrière, Traite général des conifères, Chez Author, Paris, 1855, p. 409-10).
(92) Paul Decharme, Mythology of Ancient Greece, Garnier Frères, Paris, 1886, p. 486. Max Müller (Essays on Comparative Mythology: Traditions and Customs, translated from the English by Georges Perrot, Didier et Cie, 1873, p. 206) derives “Pan” from “panos” (“the wind which purifies ”or“ that sweeps ”).
(93) Ibid., P. 356.
(94) Ibid.
(95) Longus, III, 23. After Moschus, Idyll., VI, cited in ibid.
(96) Nonnos de Panopolis, Les Dionysiaques: Chants XXXVIII-X. Text prepared and translated by Francis Vian. Les Belles Lettres, 1999, p. 102.
(97) Paul Decharme, op. cit., p. 486. It should be noted that, still according to Nonnus (Les Dionysiaques, or Bacchus, reestablished, translated and commented on by the count of Marcellus, XVI, Firmin Didot Frères, Paris, 1856, p. 147), even if Pan treats Syrinx of "barbarian in his refusals" and that it is "for having despised the quiver of fire, (that) Syrinx who cherished her virginity was punished for her arrogance, that, having become a plant, borrowing the aspect of the reed, she escaped Pan's love ”, she“ continues to sing of Pan's desires… ”(Nonnos de Panopolis, Francis Vian, Chants XLI - XLIII, Les Belles Lettres, 1976, p. 93). In Ovid (Metamorphoses, 1, 568-779), the "power relations" between Pan and Syrinx are reversed: "Pan already believed Syrinx at his mercy, but in his hands he only grasps the reeds of the swamp and not the body. of the nymph.And as he sighs, the air he has moved through the reeds produces a faint sound, a kind of whine. Seduced by this novelty and the sweetness of this melody, Pan said: 'For me, this will remain a means of conversing with you.' And so thanks to unequal reeds linked together by a wax seal, he perpetuated the name of the young girl. "
(98) Marie-Christine Fayant, Music in the Dionysiacs by Nonnos de Panopolis, in Music and poetry in antiquity: proceedings of the Clermont-Ferrand conference, 23 May 1997, texts collected by Georges-Jean Pinault, Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal, Clermont-Ferrand, 2001 [p. 71-83], p. 80.
(99) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 124.
(100) Frédéric Guillaume Bergmann, La Fascination de Gulfi (Gylfa Ginning): treatise on Scandinavian mythology, composed by Snorri son of Sturla, Treuttel and Würtz, Paris and Strasbourg, 1861, p. 256.
(101) Apostolos N. Athanassakis and Benjamin M. Wolkow (eds.), The Orphic Hymns, The John Hopkins University Press, 2013, p. 97.
(102) See, on the sexual character of the syrinx, Apostolos N. Athanassakis, Music and Ritual In Promitive Eleusis. In Plato, n ° 28, 1976 [p. 86-105]. In some wild peoples, the number of pipes varies according to the age and development of the sexual organs of the one who plays them (Dale A. Olsen, World Flutelore: Folktales, Myths, and Other Stories of Magical Flute Power, University of Illinois Press, Champaign, 2013, p. 44).
(103) Judith A. Peraino, Listening to the Sirens: Musical Technologies of Queer Identity from Homer, University of California Press, Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 2006, p. 23. See, on the subject of music in the prenuptial rites of savage peoples, Roland-Manuel, Histoire de la musique, vol. 1, Gallimard, 1960, p. 202 and sqq.
(104) François-Marie Bertrand (abbot), Migne (abbé) (ed.), Universal, historical and comparative dictionary of all the religions of the world, t. 1, 1848, p. 393.
(105) E.- J. Fétis, op. cit., vol. 3, Firmin Didot Frères, Fils et Cie, 1872, p. 306.
(106) Lucretia, De rerum nat., II.
(107) See Hans Licht, op. cit., p. 500.
(108) Pascal Quignard, La haine de la musique - small treatises - Calmann-Lévy, 1996, p. l2-3.
(109) Auguste Bouché-Leclercq, op. cit., p. 533.
(110) Moustafa Gadalla, Egyptian Musical Instruments, 2nd ed. augmented, Tehuti Research Foundation, 2018, p. 50.
(111) François-Joseph Fétis, op. cit., p. 248. Regarding the instruments, including the flute, which were used in Greece at the time, they had been borrowed at the beginning of the Archaic period from the cultures of the Near and Middle East (Anthony M. Snodgrass, Archaic Greece: The Age of Experiment, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981, p. 177). This is why it is not wrong to say that "[t] he music of the Greeks, considered as the source of modern tradition, is [...] only an annex or a particular case of oriental music" (Jules Combarieu, op. Cit., P. 47). Most of the professional musicians who performed on Greek soil were of Asian descent.
(112) Hyagnis, priest of Cybele, is said to have invented the Phrygian flute and the nomes, low tunes similar to plainsong which were sung in honor of Cybele, Bacchus and Pan (William Cooke Stafford, Histoire de la music, translated from English by Adèle Fétis, Paulin, Paris, 1832, p. 122). According to other mythological traditions, the inventor of the flute was the son of Hyagnis, the shepherd Marsyas; the latter would have taught Cybele to play it, unless it was invented by Cybele herself who would have taught Marsyas the art of playing it (F. -J. Fétis, op. cit. , p. 12). According to Lucretia (De rerum nat., V), the observation of the whistling of the wind in the reeds on the banks of the Nile gave the idea of ​​wind instruments.It is possible that the flute was among the first instruments that were introduced into Egypt (Collectif, op. Cit., P. 422).
(113) While the perforated cave bear femur which was discovered in the Divje Babe archaeological park in northwest Slovenia and dated to 40,000 BCE and the carved five-hole vulture radius found in the Hohle Fels cave in the Swabian Alb and dated to 35,000 BC are flutes, the flute would be the oldest known instrument (Sandra Garrido and Jane W. Davidson, Music, Nostalgia and Memory: Historical and Psychological Perspectives, Springer International Publishing, 2019, p. 1).
(114) Adrien de La Fage, op. cit., p. 24. The music which was played inside the temples, where, in ceremonies directly connected with worship, it was played exclusively by musicians of the order of priests or musicians who were affiliated with them, differed from that which The open-air parties set off, the first being as dismal as the second was loud and cheerful. The flute and the trumpet were honored in the worship of Osiris, but only in certain ceremonies and in certain cities; in certain phases of this cult, music was forbidden (Jacques Porte, Encyclopédie des musiques sacrés, vol. 4, Éditions Labergerie, 1968, p. 319). Strabo (Geography, l. XVII) reports that, in the temple of Osiris at Abydos, no singer, flautist or string instrument player was allowed,to play during the sacrifices, which suggests that this defense did not apply outside the hours of the sacrifices. The priests of Abydos, for their part, "rejected all kinds of music: they claimed that the sound of the trumpet was too much like the voice of the donkey." They replaced music by the rhythmic repetition of the seven vowels of the Egyptian alphabet (Aelien, de animalibus, X, 28; Frédéric-Louis Norden, Voyage d'Égypte et de Nubie, new ed., T. 1, Paris, 1795, p. 233-4).They replaced music by the rhythmic repetition of the seven vowels of the Egyptian alphabet (Aelien, de animalibus, X, 28; Frédéric-Louis Norden, Voyage d'Égypte et de Nubie, new ed., T. 1, Paris, 1795, p. 233-4).They replaced music by the rhythmic repetition of the seven vowels of the Egyptian alphabet (Aelien, de animalibus, X, 28; Frédéric-Louis Norden, Voyage d'Égypte et de Nubie, new ed., T. 1, Paris, 1795, p. 233-4).
(115) Quoted in Jules Combarieu, op. cit., p. 40.
(116) Cultus Thesaurus and Rituum Antiquorum (ThesCRA). II, Los Angeles, The J. Paul Getty Museum, p. 410.
(117) Valerus Flaccius, III, 47; Pindar, Fragments, 63, Ed. Boeckh; Lucien, Dialogue des dieux, 22.
(118) Victor Magnien, Les mystères d'Éleusis: their origins. - The ritual of their initiations, 2nd ed. recast and augmented, Payot, Paris, 1938, p. 51.
(119) George Grote, History of Greece, translated from English by A. - L. Sadous, vol. 4, A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven et Cie, Paris, 1865, p. 287.
(120) Aristotle adds, more pragmatic than dogmatic - the flute must then have been very popular in Greece - that it is necessary "to limit its use to circumstances where one aims to correct rather than to instruct" .
(121) Heinrich Julius Klaproth, Letter on the discovery of acrological hieroglyphics, J. -S. Merlin, Paris, 1827, p. 11. According to Ivan Aleksandrovich de Guli͡anof (Egyptian Archeology, vol. 3, Leipzig, 1879, p. 273, note 1), “… the flute, tibia, fistula, called in the Egyptian language (chébi) (chebé), n ' is, in this allegory, that the mystical paronym of its homophones (cheb), (chab), (chub), which mean corrumpere, contaminare, polluere, violare virginem ”. Moreover, this Russian Egyptologist points out (op. Cit., P. 271) a paronymy between the Egyptian word which designates the goat and that which means the demon.
(122) Pan, like the other deities of the forests, was feared by travelers, whom, by his terrifying voice (Valerus Flaccius, III, 31), he struck with terror, when he suddenly appeared to them in the middle of the night.
(123) Petrus Van Limburg Brouwer, History of the moral and religious civilization of the Greeks, t. 5, 1841, p. 331, notes 101-5.
(124) The adjective "panic" was used for the first time in Anciens Mémoires sur du Guesclin (s. DG ch. 32), in the sense of "sudden and unfounded terror", which he keeps in Gargantua (1534). ) ("Thus fled these people, of meaning to prove, without knowing cause to flee; so much only pursued them a terror Panice which had conceue in their souls"), at Corneille (Le Cid, II, 7), at La Fontaine (Fables , v, 19) and, in the 18th century, with Voltaire (Dict. Phil., sv Locke), while Madame de Sévigné (September 8, 1680) uses it in the sense of "terror which loses its alarming character". The substantive does not appear until 1828 (Vidocq, Mémoires, t. 1, p. 299) in the sense of "intense terror, sudden and unreasoned, often devoid of foundation which most often affects a group or a crowd and provokes major disorders ”.In English, the adjective "panic" is said from the beginning of the 17th century when speaking of a collective fear. In his Letter on Enthusiasm (1708), which was to form the first treatise on Characteristics and which was written to defend a group of Hughenots called the “Illuminés des Cévennes”, who in 1707 had published prophecies on the subject, between others, of the very imminent destruction of London, Lord Shaftesbury relies on the various mythical episodes relating to Pan which have just been mentioned, to make reflections which anticipate those of Gustave le Bon on the psychology of the masses: "We read that Pan, when he accompanied Bacchus on his expedition to the Indies, found means of throwing terror into the enemy's camp by the aid of a small handful of people,whose cries he had the art of making resound in a valley filled with caves and rocks. The roaring of the caves and the dreadful aspect of this desert terrified the Indians so much that they imagined hearing voices, and surely ghosts more than human, while the uncertainty of what they feared, increased their dismay. , and redoubled their fears by secret illusions that cannot be described; and this is what has been called a panic terror. This adventure characterizes well enough the nature of this passion, which never goes without a mixture of enthusiasm, and which the horrors of superstition almost always accompany.and surely more than human phantoms, while the uncertainty of what they feared, increased their dismay, and redoubled their fears by secret illusions that cannot be described; and this is what has been called a panic terror. This adventure characterizes well enough the nature of this passion, which never goes without a mixture of enthusiasm, and which the horrors of superstition almost always accompany.and surely more than human phantoms, while the uncertainty of what they feared, increased their dismay, and redoubled their fears by secret illusions that cannot be described; and this is what has been called a panic terror. This adventure characterizes well enough the nature of this passion, which never goes without a mixture of enthusiasm, and which the horrors of superstition almost always accompany.and which the horrors of superstition almost always accompany.and which the horrors of superstition almost always accompany.
"One can legitimately treat any passion as panic, when it arouses itself in a multitude, and it is propagated by sight, or, so to speak, by a touch of sympathy. It is thus that one can call panic the fury of the people, when the rage is carried to excess as we have sometimes seen, and especially when Religion enters it ”(The Works of Lord Earl of Shaftesbury, t . 1, Geneva, 1769, p. 12-3). In the middle of the 18th century, when "panic" took on the meaning of "widespread apprehension about financial matters" ( https://www.etymonline.com/word/panic), historian and philosopher David Hume (1711-1776), probably having in mind the passage just quoted, wrote about the so-called “papist conspiracy” of 1678: “The time was perfectly right for carry to the point of extravagance the fears and apprehensions of a jealous people willing to welcome all suspicion. That cry: 'A plot!' suddenly hits the ears; and all at once, like men in fear and in darkness, take each figure for a specter. The terror of one becomes a cause of terror for the other, and a universal panic suddenly spreading, reflection and reasoning, common sense and humanity, lose all influence over them. "(History of England, Charles II, cited in Cyrille-Jean Destombes [abbot],Religious persecution in England under the successors of Elisabeth, J. Lecoffre et Cie, Paris, 1864, p. 375). It is interesting that Shaftesbury notices that the panic spreads "by sight".
"Panic" entered medical vocabulary in the 1970s, to designate a particular form of anxiety neurosis. Panic attacks include the following symptoms: 1) dyspnea; 2) palpitations; 3) chest pain or discomfort; 4) feelings of suffocation or strangulation; 5) lightheadedness, vertigo or feelings of instability; 6) feelings of unreality; 7) paresthesias (tingling in the hands or feet); 8) hot and cold flashes; 9) sweating; 10) feeling of fainting; 11) tremors and muscle twitching ”(see Jean Garrabé, Taxonomic Dictionary of Psychiatry, Elsevier Masson, 1989). It was also in the 1970s that the term entered sociological jargon.
In 1830, The Quarterly Christian Spectator (Dr. Cox on regeneration, in Alexander Campbell, Millennial Harbinger, t. 1, 1830 [p. 546–550] p. 548); see B. Fahs, M. Dudy and S. Stage [eds.], The Moral Panics of Sexuality, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, p. 2-3) had published an article in which a certain Dr. Cox asserted that the regeneration of the soul must be an active process and stated: “… if it is true that the soul is as active in regeneration as in quite another thing […] so what shall we call this sort of orthodoxy which proposes to make men better by teaching them the opposite? Paralyzing the soul, or striking it with moral panic, is not regeneration ”(p. 546). After quoting New Testament passages such as “Seek and you will find,” he asked:"Is it not obvious that these expressions indicate that the mind is as far as possible from stagnation, from torpor, from 'moral panic'" (p. 548). The expression was taken up in the late 1960s by the British sociologist Jock Young, inspired by Understanding the Media (Michael Welch, Scapegoats of September 11th: Hate Crimes & State Crimes in the War on Terror, Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, New Jersey and London, p. 21), before being popularized by his colleague Stanley Cohen in Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of Mods and Rockers (London, 1972), which explores the role of mass media, politicians and the British public in the heightened concern over youth in the 1960s and in particular shows how the mass media,in collusion with the Establishment, used the "moral panic" they had created on this subject to justify the expansion of police powers and the strengthening of the judiciary. “Societies,” he writes, “seem to be subject, from time to time, to periods of moral panic. A situation, an event, a person or a group of people is put forward and is defined as a threat to the values ​​and interests of society; the mass media presents it in a stylized and stereotypical way; moral barricades are held by publishers, bishops, politicians and other right-thinking; socially approved experts present their diagnoses and solutions; we develop or (most often) we resort to means of coping; or the situation stops,subsides or it deteriorates and becomes more visible. Sometimes the object of panic is completely new, sometimes it is something that has existed for quite a long time, but which suddenly becomes the privileged subject of the media. Sometimes the panic passes and is forgotten, except in folklore and collective memory; sometimes it has more serious and lasting repercussions and can produce changes in legal or social policy or even in the way society sees itself ”(p. 9). “Moral panic” can be defined as an irrational emotional state which the mass media arouses in the public by portraying a minority section of the population as a threat or danger to their physical or moral security. Today, in "Western" countries,this minority section is made up of the patriots. However, the first cases of "moral panic" identified in the United States, which were to spread oil in many other countries, starting with Great Britain, concerned an area in which Pan is particularly distinguished: that of sexuality. These were rumors of "Satanic ritual abuse" (SRA). "Sex crimes" are particularly apt to entertain the masses in every sense of the word.“Sex crimes” are particularly apt to entertain the masses in every sense of the word.“Sex crimes” are particularly apt to entertain the masses in every sense of the word.
Kenneth Thompson (Moral Panics, London, Routledge, 1998, p. 8-9) explains Cohen's diagnosis as follows: “The use of the two words 'moral panic' implies that the threat hangs over something that society considers as sacred or fundamental to it. We speak of moral panic precisely to indicate that the perceived threat is not due to something trivial - such as economic results or the quality of education - but that it is a threat to the social order itself. or, in any case, for an idealized ('ideological') conception of part of it. The menace and its perpetrators are viewed as evil folk devils and inspire [those in the grip of moral panic] with strong feelings of righteousness.Events are more likely to be perceived as fundamental threats and to cause moral panics, if the company, or a significant part of it, is in crisis or undergoing changes which, because of their concern, put it under stress. The response to such threats is likely to be a demand for increased regulation or social control and a demand for a return to 'traditional' values. Much of the literature on moral panic aims to explain the motivations of those who demand or impose social regulation in such cases: the media, pressure groups, politicians, sections of the public, the police and the justice. "because they worry her, put her under stress. The response to such threats is likely to be a demand for increased regulation or social control and a demand for a return to 'traditional' values. Much of the literature on moral panic aims to explain the motivations of those who demand or impose social regulation in such cases: the media, pressure groups, politicians, sections of the public, the police and the justice. "because they worry her, put her under stress. The response to such threats is likely to be a demand for increased regulation or social control and a demand for a return to 'traditional' values. Much of the literature on moral panic aims to explain the motivations of those who demand or impose social regulation in such cases: the media, pressure groups, politicians, sections of the public, the police and the justice. "Much of the literature on moral panic aims to explain the motivations of those who demand or impose social regulation in such cases: the media, pressure groups, politicians, sections of the public, the police and the justice. "Much of the literature on moral panic aims to explain the motivations of those who demand or impose social regulation in such cases: the media, pressure groups, politicians, sections of the public, the police and the justice. "
In summary, the fabrication of moral panic includes five elements or steps: “1. someone or something is defined as a threat to values ​​or interests; 2. This threat is described by the media in an easily recognizable form; 3. Public concern is growing rapidly; 4. authorities or opinion leaders respond to this concern; 5. The panic subsides or leads to social and / and legal changes.
In the third edition of Folk Devils (2002, p. Xxv), Cohen argues that "moral panics" have, to some extent, had their day, with other populace management tactics now being favored by what we believe. let's call it "panic power"; “Part of the social space occupied by moral panics,” he writes, “has been filled with latent social anxieties, insecurities and fears that are fueled by specific risks: the rise of 'techno-fears' (nuclear risk, chemical, biological, toxic and ecological), risks of disease, food poisoning, fear of traveling by plane or train and fear of international terrorism.The 'risk society' - to use Becker's well-known expression - combines the generation of risk with complex levels of risk management and with disputes over how that management is managed. Risk construction is not only about raw information about dangerous or unpleasant things, but also about how to assess, classify, and react to them. New methods of predicting risk (such as actuarial tables, psychological profiling, safety assessments) are subject to cultural scrutiny. If these methods lead to completely different conclusions - Prozac is a safe medicine; Prozac is a dangerous drug - the discourse is oriented towards the endpoints or towards authority,the reliability and relevance of the claimant (*). Departing even further from the starting point, the orientation takes a moral turn: an examination of the personality and moral integrity of the claimants: Do they have the right to say it? Is not their in-depth knowledge just another form of moral enterprise? ".
(*) We have translated “claims maker” by the generic term of “claimants” so as not to have to choose between the different translations, all as meaningful as each other, offered in the specialized literature and of which here are the main : "Entrepreneur de cause" (see Claude Gilbert and Emmanuel Henry, The definition of public problems: between publicity and discretion. In Revue française de sociologie, vol. 53, n ° 1, 2012 [p. 35-59]; "the one who is engaged in advocacy activities "[Martin Barker, The British Video Nasties Campaign. Panics, Claims-Making, Risks and Politics. In Sociological and Anthropological Research [Online], 43-1, 2012, posted on March 11, 2013, accessed December 20, 2020. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rsa/837; DOI  :https://doi.org/10.4000/rsa.837); or even “moral entrepreneur” (Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance, The Free Press, New York, 1963, p. 147). “Moral entrepreneurs” are people who “on the one hand […] try to raise the general awareness of disturbances to the social order by formally thematizing social problems - or to put it another way, [who] s 'strive to arouse' moral needs' - and […], on the other hand, […] recommend that these problems be dealt with at the professional level and in particular […] propose that the product of their professional work or that of the organization in which they are integrated is a cover of their moral needs ”. To do this, they must "impose themselves on the market for professional achievements,faced with the work that competing professions can perform ”and succeed in definitively claiming the monopoly of dealing with problems through“ the social construction of expertise ”and, in particular, by“ the institutional and cognitive separation between experts and non-experts. specialists ”(B. Giesen, Moralische Unternehmer und ôffentliche Diskussion. Ûberlegungen zur gesellschaftlichen Thematisierung sozialer problem, Kôlner Zeitschrift fur Soziologie und Sozialpsycbologie 1983, XXXV [p. 230-54], p. 234.er moral, cited in Sébastian Sche atypical. In Deviance and society, vol. 9, n ° 3, 1985 [p. 267-89] p. 269). In everyday language, one would say "moral lesson giver". It goes without saying that, like any enterprise, the "moral enterprise" is not disinterested.The moral market is juicy and the resources are inexhaustible. Journalists to politicians, "animators" to sportsmen, artists to experts, all the guests of the television sets are "moral entrepreneurs", sellers of good feelings.
(125) Auguste Bouché-Leclerc, op. cit., p. 533, note 47; see Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 119.
On the subject of myths relating to nightmares and hallucinations and, more generally, to panic terror, see Wilhelm Heinrich Roscher and James Hillman, Pan and the nightmare, Spring Publications, 1972, particularly the second part, consisting of the translation of an essay by Roscher entitled Ephialtes, eine pathologisch-mythologische Abhandlung über die Alpträume und Alpdämonen des klassischen Altertums (Teubner, Leipzig, 1900), in which lies all the interest of the work, but which does not appear in its French edition ( James Hillman, Pan and the Nightmare - Curing Our Madness, translated from the American by Marie-Jeanne and Thierry Auzas, Imago, 1979). Roscher begins by outlining modern theories about the nature and origin of the nightmare, then examines the beliefs that were held on this subject in antiquity,before doing an etymological study of the Greek terms for the nightmare and reviewing the main demons that the Greeks and Romans blamed for the nightmare. He points out that the Greeks and Romans had noticed that the nightmare was often associated with digestive disorders caused by excess food or / and alcohol, or even the ingestion of inedible food, through which demons entered the body of the unfortunate.or the ingestion of inedible food, through which demons entered the bodies of the unfortunate.or the ingestion of inedible food, through which demons entered the bodies of the unfortunate.
(126) French and Latin Universal Dictionary, t 5: M-PIR, Paris, 1752, p. 93. It was by this same musical stratagem, which spread terror among the army of Mithridates, that Pan made the Athenians win the battle of Marathon (see Argonautique de Valérius Flaccus, Ou La Conquête de La Toison d'Or, vol . 2, chez Michaud frères, Paris, 1811, p. 90 et seq.). According to other traditions, the expression is based on what Pan, one of Bacchus' captains in his expedition to India, "ordered the whole army, in the silence of the night and at a given signal, to push a loud cry. The surrounding rocks and hollows in the forest returned the sound and made the enemy fear that the forces were infinitely more numerous than they were; seized with anguish, they abandoned their camp and fled ”(Polyen, Stratagèmes, I,2).
Incidentally, the first literary reference to "panic" is found at the beginning of Rhesus - a piece attributed either to Euripides or to the school of Alexandria (see Tragedies of Euripides, translated by M. Artaud, 3rd ed. corrigée, vol. 2, Firmin Didot Frères, Paris, 1837, p. 63) -, where Hector, in the camp he established in front of besieged Troy, asks the guard who woke him up to bring him contradictory news: "Could it be the whip of Pan, son of Cronos, which has freaked you out to the point of abandoning guard and causing disorder in the army?" »(Euripides, Tragédies. T. 7, part 2: Rhesos. Text drawn up and translated by François Jouan, Les Belles lettres, 2004, p. Xcvi). Likewise, Polybius (Hist., XX, 6, 12) relates that, during the Allied war in 217 before our era, the Boeotians, who besieged Megara, “made their approaches,when, seized with a panicked terror, based on the rumor which circulated that Philopœmen was arriving with his troops, they left their ladders against the walls and retired in disorder to their country ”; Plutarch (Life of Caesar, L), that, on the eve of the battle of Pharsalia, Caesar himself "visited the guards, when, at midnight, a trail of fire was seen in the air which, passing over the camp of Caesar, suddenly changed into a bright and dazzling flame, and fell into the camp of Pompey. When we put down the morning guards, we recognized that a sort of panic terror had spread among the enemies… ”; Pausanias (X, 23), that the Gauls, having established their camp for the night after being routed by the Delphians,“Were seized with a panic terror (it is believed that the fears which have no real cause come from Pan). Disorder therefore began in their camp towards evening, the darkness already being very deep; At first there were only a small number who, confused and out of sense, imagined hearing the sound of horses coming at them, and that of an enemy army: this delirium soon became general. Taking up their arms and dividing themselves, they killed each other, no longer recognizing each other by their language, their face, or the shape of their shields; but each platoon believed, by voice and arms, that those it was fighting against were Greeks. This madness, inspired by the gods, caused great loss to the Gauls by causing them to kill each other ”.Disorder therefore began in their camp towards evening, the darkness already being very deep; At first there were only a small number who, confused and out of sense, imagined hearing the sound of horses coming at them, and that of an enemy army: this delirium soon became general. Taking up their arms and dividing themselves, they killed each other, no longer recognizing each other by their language, their face, or the shape of their shields; but each platoon believed, by voice and arms, that those it was fighting against were Greeks. This madness, inspired by the gods, caused great loss to the Gauls by causing them to kill each other ”.Disorder therefore began in their camp towards evening, the darkness already being very deep; At first there were only a small number who, confused and out of sense, imagined hearing the sound of horses coming at them, and that of an enemy army: this delirium soon became general. Taking up their arms and dividing themselves, they killed each other, no longer recognizing each other by their language, their face, or the shape of their shields; but each platoon believed, by voice and arms, that those it was fighting against were Greeks. This madness, inspired by the gods, caused great loss to the Gauls by causing them to kill each other ”.imagined hearing the sound of horses coming at them, and that of an enemy army: this delirium soon became general. Taking up their arms and dividing themselves, they killed each other, no longer recognizing each other by their language, their face, or the shape of their shields; but each platoon believed, by voice and arms, that those it was fighting against were Greeks. This madness, inspired by the gods, caused great loss to the Gauls by causing them to kill each other ”.imagined hearing the sound of horses coming at them, and that of an enemy army: this delirium soon became general. Taking up their arms and dividing themselves, they killed each other, no longer recognizing each other by their language, their face, or the shape of their shields; but each platoon believed, by voice and arms, that those it was fighting against were Greeks. This madness, inspired by the gods, caused great loss to the Gauls by causing them to kill each other ”.that those against whom he was fighting were Greeks. This madness, inspired by the gods, caused great loss to the Gauls by causing them to kill each other ”.that those against whom he was fighting were Greeks. This madness, inspired by the gods, caused great loss to the Gauls by causing them to kill each other ”.
(127) Marten Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, Brill, Leiden, 1993, p. 51. Symptoms of panolepsy also resemble those of sleep paralysis (see Brian A. Sharpless, Isolated Sleep Paralysis and Affect Kimberly Babson and Matthew Feldner [eds.], Sleep and Affect: Assessment, Theory, and Clinical Implications, Elsevier, 2015, p. 187), one of the many disorders affecting more and more people.
(128) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 118. “Panics,” says the Stoic Cornutus, “are sudden and thoughtless fears; this is how we see herds of oxen or herds of goats flee in terror, when these animals have suddenly heard a noise coming out of a forest or from the depths of a ravine ”(De natura deorum, XXVlI, ed. Osanii, cited in Paul Decharme, Mythologie de la Grecie antique, Garnier Frères, 1884, p. 489).
(129) Ibid. The belief that there was a direct link between epilepsy and Pan in humans is reflected in Euripides' Medea (v. 1169 ff). Under the principles of homeopathy, epileptics were advised to sleep on goat skins and eat goat meat.
(130) Jean Daniel Pierre Étienne Levade, Collection of French words derived from the Greek language, A. Fischer and Luc Vincent, Lausanne, 1804, p. 87.
(131) Plato, Cratylus, 407e-408b.
(132) Ibid., 408c.
(133) Charles Lenormant, Commentary on Plato's Cratyle, Athens, 1861, p. 155.
(134) Th. Zielinski, Hermes und die Hermelik. In Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft, IX, 1906 [p. 25-60], p. 36.
(135) “O, dear Pan, and you, divinities of these places, give me the interior beauty, and make that everything that I have on the outside is in accordance with what is inside me. How rich seem to me the wise man, and that I have only the right quantity of gold that no other than a wise man could neither carry nor carry with him! "
(136) Something very little known, the so-called Greek myths which depict the gods as dissolved beings and which Christian apologists then had to gargle to discredit the Greek religion are for the most part Orphic productions.
(137) Ernest Falconnet, Petits poèmes grecs, Desrez, 1838, p. 40.
(138) OF 54, cited in Jean Rudhardt, Opera inedita: Essay on Greek religion. Research on Hymns, Presses Universitaires de Liège, 2013, p. 299.
(139) In the mystery cults of the Hellenistic period, Pan as demiurge, primordial god of creation, driving force of reproduction in the primitive cosmos, is assimilated to Phanes / Protogonos, Zeus, Dionysos and Eros (ML West, The Orphic Poems, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1983, p. 205).
(140) Fragment cited in part by Aristotle and preserved by Stobée, cited in Henri Brunel, Avant le christianisme, Paris, 1852, p. 290-1.
(141) The ancients knew several Dionysos. For Diodorus of Sicily, there were three distinct Dionysos, the Indian, the oldest, the inventor of the art of cultivating the vine and the fruit trees; the Cretan, son of Zeus and Demeter or Korah, that is to say Zagreus, inventor of agriculture and, for this reason, represented with bull's horns; the Theban, the most recent, son of Zeus and Semele, young and handsome, who conquered the world at the head of an army of women, instituted initialions, feasts and musical games, established peace and harmony and whose mysteries Orpheus organized. For Cicero who summarizes in this regard the results of the mythographers who affirmed that the name of Dionysus designated several distinct gods and that these had appeared in different times and in different regions,there had been five successive Dionysos: the first, the Cretan Zagreus, son of Jupiter and Proserpina (Korah); the second, born in Egypt, son of Nilus and murderer of his nurse Nysa, was the Egyptian Osiris; the third, son of Jupiter and the Moon, was born in Thebes; the fourth, son of Cabirus and king of Asia Minor under the name of Sabazios, was the Phrygian god of the moon (Alfred Maury, Histoire des religions de la Greece antique, t. 3, Ladrange, Paris, 1859, p. 104. Sabazios was confused with Attis and was associated, like him, with Cybele; some historians even think that Attis was only a nickname or an epithet of Sabazios. But the Greeks gave him a physiognomy distinct from Attis, in representing him as a son of Zeus and Persephone, associated with Demeter and protector of the vineyard.So he was assimilated to Dionysos-Bacchus, DAGR, Bacchus, t. 1. Part 1, Hachette et Cie, Paris, 1877, p. 603); finally the fifth, born of Nysus (unknown mythological character) and Thyoné (one of the names of Semele), was the god of orgies (Trieterica) of Mount Citheron. Whatever the origin which is attributed to him in the sources, these give it for a deity originating in a region located outside Attica: "Dionysus is not a god of Hellenic origin" (Paul Foucart, Le cult de Dionysos en Attique, In Mémoires de la Institut national de France, vol. 37, part 2, 1906 [p. 1-204], p. 20). It is generally accepted that the cult of this deity came from Thrace, where it bore the name of Sabazios (see François Lenormant, Sabazius, Revue archeologique, Didier et Cie, Paris,1875) and where it was mainly women who devoted themselves to it; Sabazios was also worshiped by the Phrygians, who were of the same race as the Thracians. For these two peoples, he was the genius presiding over the vegetation, more precisely that of the mountain. Later his power spread to the plain, to the vegetation of fruit trees, to vines, fig trees and annuals. “Dionysos-Sabazios lives in fierce isolation; no divinity is associated with her either as a woman or as a mother; the Greek mythographers who tried to fix the genealogy of the various Dionysos could not name the goddess who had given birth to him and only know his father Cabiros. It is an indigenous religion; the nature of his god corresponds to that of the country. At the same time, it is a complete religion;the rites which it practices find in themselves their explanation, and it draws from its own beliefs what to satisfy the aspirations of its followers: the result which it promises and which it ensures in the όργια, it is that which the East has always pursued greedily by various means, physical or psychic: it is divine delirium, ecstasy in which the soul freed from the body enters into direct communication with the divinity. We can therefore consider the Thracian Dionysus as a national god, whose cult has borrowed nothing from abroad, neither to be born nor to develop ”(ibid., P. 26). Its cult, repelled by the Scythians because it drove men mad, quickly spread to Macedonia and northern Greece, where its two most important centers were Thebes and Delphi. The Theban Dionysus is the Thracian god; in Delphi,there were “two distinct Dionysos, and neither is the son of Semele. Coming from the most opposite points, they met at the foot of Parnassus. One is the Thracian god, with prophetic delirium, associated with the honors of Apollo, whom he preceded in the possession of the oracle. The other is the dying and reborn god, whom we will call […] the Cretan Dionysos (see ibid., P. 33 et seq.), But whose cult we will find in Attica, and whose […] we must look for the 'first origin in Egypt' (ibid., p. 29). In Attica and Eleusis, Dionysus presents all the features of the Cretan Dionysus, a divinity who dies and is reborn;the attempts to introduce Sabazios with his national cult in Attica in the 5th and 4th century BC received a bad reception there and he found favor only among the lower classes and slaves (see ibid., p. 53 et seq. .). Sabazios is “a μαινόμενος god, enjoying disorderly races on the wooded heights, where he lives solitary; he draws the disheveled troop of the Maenads to himself and animates them with his voice. The practices of his worship are intended to provoke the ecstasy which puts the faithful in contact with their invisible god […], [while] in the religion of Dionysus of Eleusis [he] is a mysterious god, but peaceful and beneficent; with Demeter, his inseparable companion, he spreads the arts from which civilization is born; he presides over the first of all agriculture, and grants fertility to the productions of the earth;in particular, he invented and propagated the making of wine, while, even in Homeric times, the Thracian Dionysus still had nothing in common with the vine ”(ibid., p. 54-5); the Dionysus of Eleusis "is also distinct from the Theban Dionysus, who kept the main features of the god of Thrace, but softening them and mixing them with the legend of Semele, with the baroque fable of his double birth" (ibid. , p. 55). To come to the Dionysus of the Orphics, as the myth of his birth shows (*), he had both Sabazios and the Cretan Dionysus.who kept the main features of the god of Thrace, but softening them and mixing them with the legend of Semele, with the baroque fable of his double birth ”(ibid., p. 55). To come to the Dionysus of the Orphics, as the myth of his birth shows (*), he had both Sabazios and the Cretan Dionysus.who kept the main features of the god of Thrace, but softening them and mixing them with the legend of Semele, with the baroque fable of his double birth ”(ibid., p. 55). To come to the Dionysus of the Orphics, as the myth of his birth shows (*), he had both Sabazios and the Cretan Dionysus.
The identification of the Theban Dionysos on the one hand with Sabazios and on the other hand with Osiris, made first by Hecataeus of Miletus (Giorgio Colli, Greek wisdom, translated from the Italian by Marie-José Tramuta, vol. 1, Editions de l'Eclat, 1990, p. 409), main source of Diodorus and important source of Herodotus and to whom Mazzarino (Il pensiero storico classico, vol 1, Laterza, 1983 [1st ed.: 3 vols., Rome and Bari, 1965-66), p. 27 et seq.) Attributes a determining influence on the formation of Orphism, contributed to the vogue of the Dionysian cult. “The Dionysiacs or Bacchus festivals were in principle, in Greece, only simple feasts, reflecting the naivety, the rusticity of the country occupations over which this god presided […]. But among the Thracians, among this fierce people,the cult of Bacchus was part of the barbarity of manners […]. The worship of Sabazius in Phrygia bore a striking resemblance to [their] bacchanalia. They were the same orgiastic scenes, the same noisy disorders. The god himself also seems to have been a personification of the sun, of the force of maturation, of germination, and it is not impossible that the Bacchus of Thrace had long with him a community of origin, since Thrace and Phrygia had been populated by the same race, that of the Bryges. In any case, when the Sabazies were brought to Greece, it was not long before they merged with the Dionysiacs. The licentious and furious character of the Phrygian festivals was first of all an obstacle to their naturalization among the Greeks of the Peloponnese and Attica,which leads one to believe that in these regions the festivals of Bacchus still kept the simplicity of the first ages; but the taste of the Greeks for new and exotic cults eventually prevailed: the Sabazies made many devotees among them, and operated a real revolution in the cult of Bacchus, The Bacchanalia, now transformed into scenes of debauchery, noisy orgies , sometimes even in secret ceremonies of depravity and blood, precisely because of their strange character, acquired a popularity which the laws had great difficulty to fight […]. The myths which attached to the character of Zagreus, and which also drew their origin from Phrygia, mingled with the Hellenic legend of Dionysus; the new god, personification of the sun, producer of germs, symbol of the sun's rays which penetrate the ground,and descend in a way underground to bring out the plants, was associated with Proserpina, the wife of Pluto, of whom he took the place. This new Dionysus was called first Iacchus, then [again] Zagreus: an attempt was made to link him by a bond of descent to Jupiter and to the Theban Bacchus himself ”(Noël des Vergers, Léon Renier and Édouard Carteron [under the ed.], Complements of the Modern Encyclopedia, t. 1, Firmin Didot Frères, Fils et Cie, Paris, 1858, p. 385-90). On what basis did the Orphics succeed in identifying two divinities apparently as dissimilar as Zagreus, infernal god and Dionysus, god of vegetation, festivals, pleasure and sacred delirium? Dionysus was conceived as the god of the future life and of a future life happier than earthly life: an almost ecstatic postmortem (MJLagrange [Father], op. cit., p. 78.), which the Orphics promised precisely to the initiates.
(*) According to the Phrygian myth, at least in the Hellenized form he took when the worship and initiations of the god were implanted in Greece, “Sabazius […] was burning with love for his mother (Cybele), but he did not dare to satisfy his guilty passion; he took the form of a bull and strove to satisfy his passion for love, to the indignation of the goddess, victim of her son's salacity. It is because, in the Orphic myths, Cybele had been assimilated to Demeter, that Arnobe applies to him the name of Brimo, which belonged to this one in Eleusinies. Sabazius tried in vain to calm his mother's irritation. He then cut off the testicles of a ram, placed them in a sheet which he tied with wool, and, pretending to come and implore forgiveness from the one he had offended, he threw these testicles into his bosom. After ten months,Cybele brought to light a girl whose beauty still kindled the ardor of Sabazius, and to seduce her, he took the form of a dragon. He entered the bosom of the beautiful child, whom Arnobus, with the Orphics, likened to Proserpine. Fertilized by her father, the goddess gave birth to a god with the head of a bull […]. The whole of all this myth carries an obviously oriental character which is absolutely foreign to the Greek myths; he explains the formula pronounced in the Sabazies: The bull begot the serpent, and the serpent the bull. ”(Alfred Maury, op. Cit., P. 103-4, note 4).the goddess gave birth to a god with the head of a bull […]. The whole of all this myth carries an obviously oriental character which is absolutely foreign to the Greek myths; he explains the formula pronounced in the Sabazies: The bull begot the serpent, and the serpent the bull. ”(Alfred Maury, op. Cit., P. 103-4, note 4).the goddess gave birth to a god with the head of a bull […]. The whole of all this myth carries an obviously oriental character which is absolutely foreign to the Greek myths; he explains the formula pronounced in the Sabazies: The bull begot the serpent, and the serpent the bull. ”(Alfred Maury, op. Cit., P. 103-4, note 4).
Foreign to Phrygian mythology, the second part of the Orphic myth of the birth of Sabazios, introduced by Onomacrite, a Greek chresmologue who collected the beliefs of the Pelasgians and Thracians in the so-called Orphic hymns (see Sarrasi, L'Orient unveiled, 4th ed. , Ernest Leroux, Paris, 1881, p. 197), had been taken from the Cretan and, ultimately, Egyptian source (“In truth, it was said that Orpheus was born in [Egypt]; but the Orphics recognized that he had borrowed from Crete his Dionysus, torn to pieces by the Titans. Some even thought that he had brought back from Egypt the mysteries of Isis and Osiris, transformed into those of Demeter and Dionysus », Paul Foucart, op. Cit., P. 54). Here it is: Zeus had Sabazios kept at his birth by the Curetes in an isolated cave.Hera succeeded in arousing the Titans against the child, so much so that, one day, the latter, after having succeeded in thwarting the surveillance of his guardians by means of a disguise, introduced themselves to him and offered him toys, to distract him. While Sabazios was having fun, they pounced on him and tore him to pieces, before boiling his limbs in a boiler. However, Athena had had time to tear out the heart of the victim, who was still beating and carried it to Zeus ("You [Athena] who saved the intact heart of the Lord in the folds of the ether, the heart of Bacchos, torn to pieces by the hand of the Titans, and who, bringing it to his father, provided it to him so that, renewed under the effect of the unspeakable wills of his father, descended from Semele, Dionysus rises in the universe ”, Proclus, Hymn 7 to Athena, 11-15,quoted in Jean Rudhardt, The two mothers of Dionysos, Persephone and Semele, in the 'Orphic Hymns'. In Review of the history of religions, vol. 219, n ° 4, Orphism and its writings: New research, 2002 [p. 483-501], p. 494). Zeus, after having allowed the young god's heart to macerate, made Semele drink it, who gave birth to him again (ibid. See also MJ Lagrange [Father], Critique historique, t. I, Les mystères: l'orphisme, Études Bibliques , J. Cabalda et Cie, Paris, 1937, p. 72), not without having spent in Hades the time which was to separate his death and his resurrection (ibid., P. 74). The version that Clement of Alexandria gives of this myth is significantly different: Athena entrusts the heart of Dionysus to Zeus who charges Apollo to bury the members of the young god in Parnassus.Like the other Christian sources relating to the death of Dionysus, Clement takes great care to erase the episode of his resurrection (Pierre Bonnechere, The human sacrifice in ancient Greece [Kernos. Supplement 3], Center International d'Étude de la Religion Grecque Antique, Athens and Liège, 1994, p. 184, note 160). This legend was popularized by the Orphics. By a symbolic interpretation, they drew from it a whole cosmogonic and theosophical doctrine.they drew from it a whole cosmogonic and theosophical doctrine.they drew from it a whole cosmogonic and theosophical doctrine.
(142) See Orphic Hymn XI, 1; Cornutus 27; Macrobe, Saturnales, I, 22, 3. In Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 113. The Stoics will present the same tendency to monotheistic pantheism by identifying Pan with their Zeus-Cosmos, a breath which sustains and unifies the whole of the universe, "god of the cosmic totality". WH Roscher hypothesized that “the idea of ​​totality was grafted onto the traditional image of Pan from Egyptian influences (the original goat god Chnoum-Mendes, according to him, was identified with Pan from the 7th or 6th century BC; resulting from this syncretism, the concept of Pan-totality would have first reached Orphism, and later Stoicism; the false etymology Pan-Pân would only have supported the process). Herbig […] thinks on the contrary […] that the phenomenon is of Greek origin.He supposes that it is due to the tendency (manifest from the 5th century) to replace the plurality of great gods in whom we no longer believe by a central being endowed with powers over the totality. To this theological evolution would correspond a political evolution: to the rise of the lower social layers (example of Cléon) would answer the rise towards Olympus of small divinities like Hecate or Tyche ”(ibid.). However, everything suggests that the phenomenon has spread to Greece from the Near and Middle East. It has been demonstrated that monotheism is of Semitic origin (see Z. Arnal, De la race comme explication du monothéisme Sémitique: thèse, Strasbourg, 1864; Jan Assmann, Monotheism and its Political Consequences, in Bernhard Giessen and Daniel Šuber [ eds.], Religion and Politics.Cultural perspectives [International studies in religion and society 3], London, 2005 [p. 141-59]).
(143) See, on the subject of Orphic doctrine, Oreste Salamone, Le Papyrus de Derveni de la Formation du Cosmos à la genèse des mots. Introduction, critical edition, translation, notes and monographic study of Fragments of the papyrus, vol. I, thesis presented with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor from the University of Aix-Marseille and defended in a public and contradictory session on December 6, 2016, Le Papyrus de Derveni, translated and presented by Fabienne Jourdan, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 2003 and, for a meritorious attempt to clarify and put in order the different Orphic cosmogonic systems, Biography universal, ancient and modern. Mythological part: MA - ZY, t. 55, L.- G. Michaud, Paris, 1833, p. 229 and sqq.
(144) Lucie Buchère, The idea of ​​progress at Hésiode, under the direction of Christian Bouchet. - Lyon: Jean Moulin University (Lyon 3), 2016. (146) L.- F. Alfred Maury, op. cit., t. 3, Ladrange, Paris, 1859, p. 315. See, still on the subject of Orphic doctrine, the exposition, more concise than that of Maury, which is made by E. Prosper Biardot, Les terracuites grecques funèbres dans leur rapport avec les mystères de Bacchus, Firmin Didot Brothers, Paris, 1872, p. 139-42. (147) Georg Friedrich Creuzer, op. cit., p. 975. (148) Jules Girard, The religious sentiment in Greece from Homer to Eschylus, studied in its moral development and in its dramatic character, 2nd ed., Hachette et Cie, Paris, 1869, p. 261. (149) Ibid., P. 251. (150) L. - F. Alfred Maury, op. cit., p. 313.
(145) Santo Mazzarino, op. cit., p. 207. From an analysis of primary sources, the author deduces that the Orphic doctrine was the expression of a social group whose members had made their fortunes in commerce and could thus have all their weight in the politics of the Greek cities. Similarly, Kérényi (Pythagoras und Orpheus. Geschichte der Orphik und des Pythagoreismus, 1950) considers that Orphism represented the aspirations of the lower classes (Boyancé Pierre. Karl Kerényi, Pythagoras und Orpheus [Albae Vigiliae, Ν. F., H. IX ], 1950. In Revue des Études Anciennes, t. 54, 1952, n ° 3-4 [p. 365-368], p. 306).

(151) Ibid., P. 313-4.
(152) About the Net (diktuon), title of a poem by a Pythagorean (Brontinos or Zopyros) (Radcliffe G. Edmonds III, Redefining Ancient Orphism: A Study in Greek Religion, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2013, p. 279), Jules Girard writes (op. cit., p. 260, 261) that “they [the Orphics] designate by this the work of nature whose indefatigable activity, in spite of obstacles and death, indefinitely weaves the web of the world by a series of existences which is only a perpetual transformation of the beings that it gives birth to ”; “Each individual of the human race is but a mesh of the great net of nature, and, if he is entitled to respect, it is because the life of which he breathes within him is divine and sacred; and the same reason must make him respect other beings. Besides, as life cannot be extinguished,she has animated other bodies before her own, and afterwards she must animate others still ”. Aristotle informs us that the Orphics compared the birth of a being to the weaving of a net, the image of the net, the soul being constituted by the air occupying the interstices of a material body. The same picture is found in the Timaeus (Radcliffe G. Edmonds III, op. Cit.).
(153) DAGR, sv Orphici, t. 4, part 1, Hachette et Cie, Paris, 1873-1879, p. 251-2.
(154) Omophagia, probably originating from Crete, was a sacrifice in honor of Dionysus, after which the initiates together ate the raw flesh of a live butchered bull. "It presents a strange contrast with the other prescriptions of the Orphic life, all of abstinence or purity" (ibid., P. 253). Another “strange contrast”, the Orphics, according to Plato (Republic, 364c), “[obtain] from the gods, through certain sacrifices and enchantments the power to […] postpone crimes […], by means of games and Party ". The two tendencies, one ascetic, the other orgiastic, can only be reconciled if we admit that the first was, so to speak, a preparation for the second. It would have been a question, not of dominating the instincts, the pleasures and the passions - if indeed a human type which,as was the case for the followers of Orphism, has in view the simple moral perfection can succeed in dominating the instincts, the pleasures and the passions -, but to restrain them as much as possible, so that, having become irrepressible, they are released and unleashed with a tenfold violence.
(155) DAGR, sv Orphici, p. 253. "- Fortunate and blessed, you will be god instead of mortal. Outi Lehtipuu, The Afterlife Imagery in Luke's Story of the Rich Man and Lazarus, Brill, Leiden and Boston, 2007, chap. 5. Some (see, for example, WKC Guthrie, Orpheus and Greek Religion: A Study of the Orphic Movement, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, p. 194, p. 207, 209) seriously argue that this phrase was uttered by the applicant on the occasion of an initiation ritual which involved him that he throws himself into a pot of boiling milk, in memory of the mythical episode where the Titans had boiled the young Dionysus in a pot. (158) Eriphios (kid, goat) was one of the titles of Dionysus.
(156) The expression “blessed race”, which designates the infernal deities, is used in the formula engraved on one of the tablets found at Thourioi, in Magna Graecia, of which here is an extract: “I come pure from among the pure, O queen of the lower regions, O Eucles and Euboleus, and the other gods and geniuses; for I pride myself on belonging to your blessed race, and I have paid the penalty for my unjust actions, tamed by my fate or struck by lightning. I escaped the dismal cycle of pain, and with a quick step I reached the desired crown. I descended into the bosom of the Sovereign, the underground queen.

"- Kid, I fell in milk" (quoted in Yves Dacosta, Initiations and Secret Societies in Greco-Roman Antiquity, Berg international, 1991, p. 74). When the initiate died, these tablets were buried with him to help him remember the formulas of salvation which had been disclosed to him during his initiation (Pierre Anglès, Etudes des relations entre le myth et la politique at Plato, Presses universitaire du Septentrion, 1999, p. 261).
(157) Gérard Lambin, Regarding so-called Orphic formulas. In Gaia: interdisciplinary review on Archaic Greece, n ° 18, 2015 [p. 507-519], p. 508; René Pichon, About the Orphic tablets of Corigliano. In Revue des Études Grecques, t. 23, fasc. 101, 1910 [p. 58-6];

(159) L.- F. Alfred Maury, op. cit., p. 331. If, therefore, for Maury, the Orphic teachings entered into the Mysteries and became their doctrine, Jules Girard (op. Cit.) Is of the opinion that, on the contrary, the Orphic doctrine constituted a kind of popularization of the teachings dispensed. in the mysteries.
(160) Plato depicts the Orpheothelestes, itinerant priests of the sect, going to knock on the doors of the rich, their books under their arms, to offer them to purify them, by means of formulas and expiatory rituals, of the crimes they could , they or their ancestors, having committed, or even, in anticipation, of those that their grandchildren could commit; the greatest torments, they claimed, awaited in hell those who neglected the sacrifices they had instituted. Pushing charlatanism even further, “the Orphéotélestes traded in charms and potions, sold to the first comer so-called secrets to deliver him from his adversaries, whoever they were, wicked or good men” (L.-F. Alfred Maury, op. Cit., P. 331). Many commentators,to explain the discrepancy between Orphic dogmas and Plato's dependent portrait of members of the sect, have argued that, at the time when the philosopher wrote these lines, Orphism had altered in his doctrine and that Orphics were no longer up to the moral standards of their predecessors. Thus, Saglio and Daremberg (op. Cit., P. 254) assure that "Orphism has deformed in two different directions: in the sense of charlatanism, and in the sense of pantheistic speculations". The assertion is risky, when we know that the texts of Orphic literature were for a long time very difficult to date (James Talboys Wheeler, The Life and Travels of Herodotus, vol. 2, Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1855, p 112) and that they remain so despite the discovery, in 1962, at Derveni, near Thessaloniki, of a manuscript,dated from the 4th century BC, which gives allegorical commentary on Orphic writings dated from the 5th century, or even the 6th century BC (Claude Calame, Philippe Borgeaud and André Hurst, L'orphisme et ses scriptures. New research: Presentation In Review of the History of Religions, vol. 219, n ° 4, 2002. Orphism and its writings. New research [p. 379-83]). In their comments on the writings of early Orphism, the Stoics, and later the Neoplatonists of the Alexandrian school, only accentuated the pantheistic tendencies they exhibited (Dwayne A. Meisne, Orphic Tradition and the Birth of the Gods, Oxford University Press, 2018, p. 48; Pierre Boyancé, Remarks on the papyrus of Derveni. In Revue des Études Grecques, t. 87, fasc. 414-8, 1974 [p. 91-110] , p. 95; Miguel Herrero de Fáuregui,Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, De Gruyter, Berlin and New York, 2010, p. 311). And, since, doctrinally, there is no hiatus between the first and the last Orphic writings, why should it not have been the same with their practices?
(161) Alberto Bernabé, The soul after death: Orphic models and Platonic transposition. In Études platoniciennes (4. The powers of the soul according to Plato), n ° 4, 2007 [p. 25-44]; id., Platón y el orfismo. Diálogos entre religión y filosofía, Madrid, 2011; see also James K. Feibleman, Religious Platonism: The Influence of Religion on Plato and the Influence of Plato on Religion, Routlege, 2013 (1st ed .: 1959).
(162) See Pierre Boyancé. Plato and the Orphic Cathars. In Revue des Études Grecques, t. 55, fasc. 261-263, 1942 [p. 217-35].
(163) See F. Martinez (SM), Christian asceticism during the first three centuries of the Church, chap. 1: Greek philosophy and the school of Alexandria, Gabriel Beauchesne, Paris, 1913.
(164) See Vittorio Macchioro, Zagreus. Studi intorno al Orfismo, Florence, 1930. The work has been criticized by André Boulanger (Orphée: reports on Orphism and Christianity, F. Rieder et Cie, 1925) as well as by Father MJ Lagrange (op. Cit. ). Lagrange attacks it mainly on three points: union with the dying and suffering god; the sin ; sacrifice and communion.
“There is indeed in Orphism a suffering god, admits Lagrange […] But the sufferings of the god constitute precisely the fault and are not the redemption. They are at the origin of the history of souls and not at its end. These sufferings are not voluntary; they are not the fruit of a supreme act of charity. They have no moral value, being on the contrary evil itself. Orphism, which remained purely Greek, did not deify suffering; the asceticism of 'Orphic life' does not include it ”(Pierre Boyancé, Sur l'orphisme, a propos a recent book. In Revue des Études Anciennes, t. 40, 1938, n ° 2 [p. 163 -72]). Apart from the fact that Orphism could never "[remain] purely Greek", not being of Greek origin, it is undeniable that Dionysus, unlike Christ, neither suffers nor dies "for men" .The Greeks of the 4th, 3rd, 2nd century BC were not yet ready to swallow such snakes.
With regard to sacrifice and communion, it is established that union with divinity exists in Orphism (WKC Guthrie, op. Cit., P. 194, p. 207) and even that it "does not become explicit [in Greece] only in the Orphic doctrines where the soul finds its original divine essence and returns to the divine milk which nourished it ”(Roland Crahay, La religion des Grecs, Éditions Complexe, 1991 [1st ed .: 1966] , p. 138). 1 Corinthians 6:17 ("But he that cleave to the Lord is with him one spirit") does not say otherwise.
A formula of the Mysteries says: "Many take the thyrsus, but few are inspired by the god" (Olymp. Ad Phaedon), in other words few attain union with the divinity. Likewise, “there are many called and few chosen” (Mathieu 22, 1-14), a verse that Clement of Alexandria (Complete works of Plato, translated by Victor Cousin, t. 1, Rey et Gravier , Paris, 1846, p. 211, note **) quoted, bringing it closer to the aforementioned formula.
Lagrange (op. Cit., P. 207) cannot do so unless he recognizes a similarity between omophagy (including Werner Goossens, Les origines de l'eucharistie sacrement et sacrifice, Beauchesne, 1931, p. 294 et seq. . denies without convincing arguments the existence in Orphism)
and the Eucharist: “In both cases […] the faithful eats the god (theophagy): he feeds on his flesh, he drinks his blood, in order to appropriate his divine virtue”. But it is the better to kick in touch: "It is the supreme act of religion (it would be more exact to say:" of religions of Negro-African origin ", see Doumbi-Fakoly, L'origin negro- African of so-called revealed religions, Menaibuc, 2004, p. 73-4): how to unite more closely with God than by assimilating him as food. "(Ibid.)
(Another common point, which Lagrange does not point out, between Orphism and Christianity, concerns the species. In the first centuries of the Christian church, milk mixed with honey was offered as well as wine to the neophyte (" Like newly born children ([by baptism], be reasonable and unabashed, ardently desire milk ”(Pierre, 2, 2) (J.-B. Thibaut, L'initiation chretienne aux premiers heures. In Échos d ' Orient, t. 21, n ° 127-128, 1922 [p. 323-334], p. 334]; a formula of blessing from the Roman liturgy mentions water with milk and honey, ibid., Note 3 Likewise, honey and milk were used in the Orphic mysteries (Porphyre, L'antre des nymphe, 15, 18; Stian S. Torjussen, Metamorphoses of Myth: A Study of the 'Orphic' Gold Tablets and the Derveni Papyrus, Thesis, University of Tromsø, 2008.available at the following addresshttps://www.researchgate.net/publication/33418520_Metamorphoses_of_myth_a_study_of_the_Orphic_gold_tablets_and_the_Derveni_papyrus , accessed July 02, 2019). However, the Orphic mysteries did not have the prerogative of it: every manifestation of Dionysus was preceded by rivers of honey, milk and wine (Euripides, Bacch., 112); honey and milk were also offered, as Porphyre points out [op. cit.], in the mysteries of Mithras, the establishment of which, it is true, is clearly posterior to those of Dionysus and to those of Orphism).
On the subject of sin, the argument that Lagrange puts forward is specious: “To attribute original sin to the Orphics is to play on words. Let us therefore quote his own (op. Cit., P. 207): "there is indeed a unique sin at the origin, but far from being the cause of the bad nature of the Titans, it rather proceeded from it. Man has therefore inherited a bad nature, prior to the sin committed on Zagreus, and which is not the consequence of a fault, since the Titans were born bad. There is still no original sin. »Who plays on words? Favorable to Lagrange's work, but less theologian than him, the academic Pierre Boyancé (op. Cit., P. 169), in his account of it, has no difficulty in recognizing that the Orphic system "supposes a congenital impurity to every man."Orphism […] not only has a theory of original sin, but it is from this theory that it was born ”: Orphism starts from the principle that sin is congenital to every man or, more exactly, to titanium part of its nature (WKC Guthrie, op. cit., p. 183).
If a distinction is absolutely to be established in this regard, it is that which was made by the historian of religions Ugo Bianchi (1922–1995) (Original sin and 'antecedent' sin. In Revue de l'histoire des religions, t. 170, n ° 2, 1966 [p. 117-26]) between antecedent sin and original sin. Original sin is that which, committed by Adam and Eve, is transmitted to every man at birth. Antecedent sin is the sin committed by a man in a previous life: thus, the Titans dismember Dionysus, devour him and are struck down, their fault is inherited by souls, which, in order to atone, are confined in bodies humans throughout a process that will continue in different bodies (see Alberto Bernabé, La toile de Pénélope:Was there an Orphic myth about Dionysus and the Titans? In Review of the history of religions, t. 219, n ° 4, 2002. Orphism and its writings. New research. p. 401-3; see also Radcliffe Edmonds, Tearing Apart the Zagreus Myth: A Few Disparaging Remarks On Orphism and Original Sin,https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/6c05/97c96922c8cd5978fb4d5aaeb3435167da09.pdf ).
No point of doctrine passes from one religion to another as it is. There is no reproduction, but transposition. The dogmas of Orphism did not penetrate into Christianity as such, they were adapted there. Moreover, it seems that the first fathers of the Church knew Orphism only indirectly, through the intermediary of the syncretic doctrines from which they drew and from which they in some way synthesized (see, for a review of question, Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui, op. cit.). The "genius of Christianity" is to have "moralized" and humanized the figure, common to all Eastern cults, of the god who dies and resuscitates.
(165) Quoted in Léon Robin, André Boulanger. Orpheus. Reports on Orphism and Christianity (a notebook from the Christianity collection, edited by PL Couchoud). In Revue des Études Grecques, t. 40, fasc. 184-188, 1927 [p. 463-6], p. 464.
(166) In the current state of knowledge, it is impossible to determine whether Pythagoreanism preceded Orphism or whether, on the contrary, the latter predates the former (see Claude Louis-Combet, Ascétisme et eudémonisme chez Plato, p. 36 et seq. In Annales littéraires de l'Université de Franche-Comté, n ° 626, 1997 and especially Karl Kerényi, Pythagoras und Orpheus, Präludien zu einer zukünftigen Geschichte der Orphik und des Pythagoreismus, coll. “Albae Vigiliae »(NF) 9, Zürich, 1950 [1940, 1938], comparative historical study of the two schools.
(167) Voltaire, Essay on Mores, Œuvres complantes de Voltaire, Garnier, Paris, 1878, t. 11, p. 128 .
(168) Quoted in Brian Juden, Orphic traditions and mystical trends in French romanticism, Slatkine, 1984, p. 80; see also Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui, op. cit., chap. IV, Orphic Tradition in Christian Apologetic Literrature; James K. Feibleman, Religious Platonism, Routledge, London, 2016, p. 152; André Ragot, Orphism and Christianity. In Cahiers Renan, n ° 69, 1971 [p. 20-4].
(169) Colins, On justice in science outside the church and outside the revolution, t. 1, Paris, 1860, p. 122.
(170) See Ernest L. Martin, The People That History Forgot, Academy for Scriptural, 2nd ed., 1994. A study, conducted in June 2017 by scientists at North Carolina State University, on the shape of skulls and skeletons found in Roman tombs dated to the first three centuries AD confirmed that massive immigration from other areas around the Mediterranean caused a racial change in the Roman population during this time (SM Hens, Cranial Variation and Biodistance in Three Imperial Roman Cemeteries, International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, vol. 27, n ° 5, June 1, 2017), https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/oa.2602 .
(171) The accusations of immorality did not emanate from their opponents alone. “Here are some accusations made by Saint Cyprian; they are not always as light as that of having married non-Christian women. Devoured by insatiable greed, he said, we thought only of accumulating treasures, forgetting both what to believe and what to do, what our ancestors had done and believed, which we should never have stopped believing and practicing. No more religion among priests, no more faith, no more charity, no more manners. The hearts of the simple were the butt of fraud and perfidy. One swore without motive, or perjured oneself without fear. The ecclesiastical authorities were despised, calumniated, torn by hatred. Bishops, intended to serve as an example to others,in spite of their divine mission, only meddled in secular affairs; abandoned their seat, their flock; roamed the provinces and markets; wanted to have a lot of money, while their brothers were starving; fraudulently stole the property of others; multiplied their treasures by infamous wear and tear. - S. Cyprian. de lapsis, p. 182. They did not get any better afterwards. Saint Jerome calls the priests of his time inhospitable, running after women and insinuating themselves by a thousand means into their good graces, capturing inheritances to the point of provoking severe laws against them and their actions, ceaselessly on the trail of the elderly and rich and sick old women, wearing magnificent clothes today to impose, tomorrow covering themselves in ashes to deceive.The priests give something to the poor to make themselves give the hundredfold by the faithful; they beg for riches by giving alms, which is more a kind of hunting than true charity: for it is in this way that wild beasts, birds and fish are taken; and the bait which the priests put on the hook, serves them to make empty in theirs the pockets of the matrons. The priests besides courted the powers and the great lords; they did not miss meals or parties; they loved life and good food, when particular reasons did not require them momentarily to compel themselves to ridiculous fasts: moreover, they were meditators and intrigans, to the point of being the go-between in marriage, etc. Done in this way, adds the holy father,it was not difficult for them to dazzle with their chatter and to deceive an ignorant and coarse people, who admire especially what they do not understand (nihil tam easy quam vilem plebeculam et indoctam concionem linguse volubilitate decipere, quas quidquid non intelligit plus miratur). - S. Hicronym. ad Nepotian. epist. 34, t. 4, p. 259 ad 262. Saint Augustine, contemporary of Saint Jerome, teaches us that the church and the clergy of Africa were given over to debauchery and scoundrels. People committed all kinds of impurities and got drunk in cemeteries, on the very tombs of martyrs and in their honor. - S. Augustine. epist. 64 ad Aurel. t. 2, p. 120. Let our ministers of religion take seriously into consideration, says Saint Sulpice Severus, the prohibition which had been made to the Levites of the old law to own land,so that they would be cleaner in the service of the altars. Our priests not only have forgotten this precept, but even they seem to ignore it entirely, so much the epidemic gangrene of greed dominates them: they are burning to possess; when they own, they only look after their land, roll over gold, sell and buy, and think only of acquiring more. If there are more moderate ones, who do not own or sell second-hand goods, they quietly await their wages, which is much more shameful; and they tarnish all the honor of their life by the rewards they pursue, wanting in this way only a venal and lucrative holiness. - S. Sulpit. Sever. hist. sacred 1. 1, cap. 25, p. 74 ”(Louis Joseph A. de Potter, Histoire philosophique, politique et critique du Christianisme et des Églises Chrétiennes, t. 2, Paris,1836, p. 448-9; see also, on the accusations of cannibalism with which the early Christians were responsible, Andrew McGowan, Eating People: Accusations of Cannibalism Against Christians in the Second Century, Journal of Early Christian Studies, Johns Hopkins University Press, vol. 2, n ° 4, 1994 [p. 413-42] and Albert Henrichs, Pagan Ritual and the Alleged Crimes of the Early Christians, in P. Granfield and JA Jungmann [eds.], Kyriakon. Festschrift J. Quasten I, Aschendorff, Münster, 1970 [p. 18-35], who do not conclude from their examination that they were mere slander.Johns Hopkins University Press, vol. 2, n ° 4, 1994 [p. 413-42] and Albert Henrichs, Pagan Ritual and the Alleged Crimes of the Early Christians, in P. Granfield and JA Jungmann [eds.], Kyriakon. Festschrift J. Quasten I, Aschendorff, Münster, 1970 [p. 18-35], who do not conclude from their examination that they were mere slander.Johns Hopkins University Press, vol. 2, n ° 4, 1994 [p. 413-42] and Albert Henrichs, Pagan Ritual and the Alleged Crimes of the Early Christians, in P. Granfield and JA Jungmann [eds.], Kyriakon. Festschrift J. Quasten I, Aschendorff, Münster, 1970 [p. 18-35], who do not conclude from their examination that they were mere slander.
(172) Edmond de Pressensé, History of the first three centuries of the Christian church, 1861, 2nd series, t. 2, Paris, 1861, p. 3.
(173) Jean-Marie Mayeur, Luce Pietri, André Vauchez and Marc Venard (under the editors), The new people (from the origins to 250): Histoire du Christianisme, Desclée de Brouwer, 2000, p. 833.
(174) The idea of ​​the embodied verb, which, unknown to the early Church, first emerged in the writings of Justin (AD 100-165) and among apologists, owes everything to philosophical theory of logos (see Jean-Baptiste Thomas, Critical Studies on the Origins of Christianity, Victor Palmé, Paris, 1870, p. xvii).
(175) M. Owen Lee, Virgil as Orpheus: A Study of the Georgics, SUNY Press, 1996, p. 3.
(176) William Godwin, Lives of the necromancers: or, An account of the most eminent persons in successive ages, who have claimed for themselves, or to whom has been imputed by others, the exercise of magical power, Chatto and Windus, London , 1876, p. 67.
(177) In the early versions of the legend, Orpheus' wife does not bear a name (see Brian Juden, op. Cit., P. 17); the name of Eurydice appears only late (Eva Kushner, Le Mythe d'Orphee dans la literature française contemporaine, Nizet, Paris, 1961, p 34.
(178) Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph von Schelling, Philosophie de l'art, translated from German by Caroline Silzer and Alain Pernet, Jérôme Millon, Grenoble, 1999, p. 113. Pausanias makes the Museum a pupil of Orpheus.
(179) André Jean Festugière, Studies in history and philology, J. Vrin, coll. “Library of the History of Philosophy”, Paris, 1975, p. 489-90.
(180) Jacques Collin de Plancy, Dictionnaire infernal, Henri Plon, Paris, 1863, p. 511.
(181) “It is Orpheus,” he says, “that I would accuse of having brought these superstitions, as well as the idea so quickly popularized of medicine, of Thrace in Thessaly, if the first of these countries was not 'would not always have been a stranger to magic'; "If the first of these countries had not always been foreign to magic"? Thracian women, during Pliny's lifetime, already had the reputation of being witches (De Résie [count], Histoire etacte des sciences occultes, t. 2, Louis Vivès, Paris, 1857, p. 326). In any case, it is appropriate to reproduce the passage of Pliny (XXX, I, 1-2) in its entirety, for the parallel it establishes between medicine, witchcraft, religion and astrology: " In the earlier parts of our work, magic has been more than once, and wherever we have thought it necessary,covered with the blame she deserves; we will finish showing its frivolity. However, she is one of the few of those follies on which we must insist, if only because her multiplied impostures have spread to a thousand countries and to a number of centuries. Besides, how can one be surprised at its vogue, if one thinks that it embraces and unites the three arts best suited to master the human mind? First of all, it is indisputable that it owes its birth to medicine, and that, apparently watching over the maintenance of health, it was introduced as a higher and holier therapy. To these flattering and seductive promises has been added the imperious idea of ​​religion, in the presence of which the human race sees only through a cloud. These two elements are added to mathematics; gold,there is no one who does not desire to know his future, or who doubts that this future is inscribed in heaven. Thus enslaving the human spirit with the help of a triple bond, magic soon came to the point of dominating the nations, and having in the East the kings of kings for subjects ”(Natural History of Pliny. by M. Ajasson de Grandsagne, CLF Panckoucke, t. 18, p. 4-5; see Fabienne Jourdan, Orphée, sorcier ou mage? In Revue de l'histoire des religions [Online], 1, 2008, posted online March 01, 2011, accessed October 15, 2018. URL:and to have in the East the kings of kings for subjects ”(Natural History of Pliny. New translation by M. Ajasson de Grandsagne, CLF Panckoucke, t. 18, p. 4-5; see Fabienne Jourdan, Orphée, sorcier ou mage ? In Review of the history of religions [Online], 1, 2008, posted on 01 March 2011, consulted on 15 October 2018. URL:and to have in the East the kings of kings for subjects ”(Natural History of Pliny. New translation by M. Ajasson de Grandsagne, CLF Panckoucke, t. 18, p. 4-5; see Fabienne Jourdan, Orphée, sorcier ou mage ? In Review of the history of religions [Online], 1, 2008, posted on 01 March 2011, consulted on 15 October 2018. URL:http://journals.openedition.org/rhr/5773 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/rhr.5773 ).
(182) In the oldest accounts, the cause of Eurydice's death is not mentioned. As for Aristaeus, it is to Virgil that his introduction in this mythical episode is due.
(183) Brian Juden, op. cit., p. 17-8. The first dated document where mention is made of Orpheus' descent into hell is the Alcest of Euripides (438 BC) (Jacques Heurgon Jacques, Orphée et Eurydice before Virgile. In Mixtures of archeology and history , t. 49, 1932 [p. 6-60], p. 11).
(184) Works by G. Filangieri, translated from Italian, new. ed., t. 5, P. Dufart, Paris, 1822, p. 246, note 2.
(185) As much as Jacques Heurgon is hardly happier, in his attempt to explain the prohibition made to Orpheus to look back, than the other authors who have tackled this enigma, so some credit seems to us to be due. granted to the working hypothesis he is doing about the element that may have prompted Plato to give a version of Orpheus' catabase radically different from that of his predecessors. After recalling that there are innumerable testimonies of the links between Orphism and the Eleusinian mysteries, he formulates his conclusions as follows (ibid., P. 57-9): “The legend of Orpheus and Eurydice did not come out of popular imagination; elaborated, on the contrary, by theologians and poets, it presents itself to us, above all,in the heroic and optimistic form that the disciples of Orpheus imposed on the public. In the theater as with the orators, in the verses of the Alexandrian poets as on the funeral vases of Magna Graecia, Orpheus appears as the triumphant of death. Without any other weapon than his zither, he descended into Hell, and, by the power of his songs, forced Persephone to return his wife to him. - But, at the very moment when this pious, admiring and devout legend was being constituted, some of the theologians who had presided over its birth, those who probably represented, to a particularly irreducible degree, the Eleusinian doctrine, invented a dissenting tradition. , who, without brutally denying the official version, tried to insinuate, in the minds of the faithful, a doubt about the success of the company: 'Certainly,they said, Orpheus descended into Hell and persuaded the gods below. But you do not relate the end: Orpheus had triumphed, and won his prey, when, at the last moment, he committed a ritual error which annihilated his victory. ' This tradition, little known to ordinary men, nevertheless transpired outside: a poet (Pindar?) Took it in, adding, a quite natural conclusion, that Orpheus had killed himself with grief. But, on the other hand, preferring, like any poet, the human to the sacred, and what offered a psychological meaning to what remained inexplicable, he changed the value of Orpheus' respectus: first a simple faux pas, it was henceforth a proof of love […] Apart from the mysteries, the tradition of failure undoubtedly had as its propagandists the enemies of Orphic charlatanism;malicious hostility made the citharede not only a victim, but a coward. And it is in this capacity that Plato gave him access to his Banquet… ”
(186) WKC Guthrie, op. cit., p. 31.
(187) The practice of cephalomancy is attributed to Jews and Syrians. “It seems that this divination process is not only legendary, but that it was actually practiced in the West, where it is admitted that the freshly severed head, in particular that of a child, placed on a host, prophesy. Charles IX experienced this oracle to know his future, a horrible scene which has been reported with some variations by several authors, and first of all by Bodin. contemporary of the fact. The magical operation took place in 1574, at midnight. After the ritual conjurations, the Jewish child, aged 6 to 10, was approached to the altar where the priest cut off his head. Placed on a large black host, she whispered these words: 'Vim patior'. Distraught, Charles IX fainted, and when he regained consciousness he cried out:'Take that head away, take that head away!' His death came soon after. The detailed account of this magical operation can be read in Defrance's work [Catherine de Médicis, ses astrologues et ses magiciens capteurs, Mercure de France, 1911, p. 230 et seq.], Who studies the role of magic and astrology at the court of Catherine de Medici ”(Waldemar Deonna. Orpheus and the oracle of the severed head. In Revue des Études Grecques, t. 38, fasc. 174, January-March 1925 [p. 44-69], p. 52, 53-4).Orpheus and the oracle of the severed head. In Revue des Études Grecques, t. 38, fasc. 174, January-March 1925 [p. 44-69], p. 52, 53-4).Orpheus and the oracle of the severed head. In Revue des Études Grecques, t. 38, fasc. 174, January-March 1925 [p. 44-69], p. 52, 53-4).
(188) Are generally distinguished at least two Orpheus, Orpheus of Thrace who would be the theologian and the poet who would have gone to Egypt to learn from the priests and Orpheus of Crotone who would be the author of the Argonautics (François Grudé La Croix du Maine and Antoine Du Verdier, The French libraries of La Croix du Maine and Du Verdier, t. 3, Paris, 1772, p. 170, note). In his History of Homer and Orpheus (1789), Jean Claude Izouard Delisle de Sales attempts to prove, on the contrary, that there was only one historical figure named Orpheus.
(189) M.- J. Lagrange (Father), op. cit., p. 23.
(190) See F. Collincamp (ed.), Critique littéraire sous le premier empire, vol. 1, Didier et Cie, 1863.
(191) See Gregory Nagy, Orphic Elements at Homer. In Kernos [Online], 14, 2001, posted April 14, 2011, consulted October 21, 2018. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/760 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/kernos.760 ). In fact, it seems that most Orphic poems were composed in the first century of our era by “followers of the mystical poetry of the Pythagoreans united with the Platonists” (F. Collincamp, op. Cit., P. 21) and possibly to Christians and / or Jews (Emil Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ [175 BC - AD 135], new English version reviewed and edited by Geza Vermes, Fergus Millar and Martin Goodman, vol . 2, part 1, Bloomsbury, London, 1973, p. 670, note 264).
(192) Ferdinand Hoefer, Historical Library of Diodorus of Sicily, t. 1, 2nd ed., L. Hachette et Cie, Paris, 1865, p. 25.
(193) John Block Friedman, Orpheus in the Middle Ages, Translated from English (United States) by Jean-Michel Roessli. With the assistance of Valérie Cordonier and François-Xavier Putallaz, Editions Universitaires de Friborg, 1999, p. 15.
(194) Louis Ellies Dupin, Universal Library of Historians, Amsterdam, 1708, p. 79.
(195) See Fabienne Jourdan, Poème judeo-hellénistique attributed to Orphée: Jewish production and Christian reception, Les Belles lettres, Paris, 2010.
(196) John Block Friedman, op. cit., p. 302-3.
(197) See Fabienne Jourdan, Orphée and the Christians. The reception of the myth of Orpheus in the Greek Christian literature of the first five centuries, t. 1: from the foil to the foreshadowing of Christ. Rewriting of a myth for protreptic purposes with Clément d'Alexandrie, Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 2010; id., op. cit., t. 2: Why, Orpheus? Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 2011.
(198) Jean-Michel Spieser, Images of Christ: From the catacombs to the aftermath of iconoclasm, Droz, Geneva, 2016, p. 86.
(199) James Spencer Northcote and William Robert Brownlow, Rome underground, translated from English, with additions and notes, by Paul Allard, Didier et Cie, Paris, 1872, p. 263-4; Jerôme Cottin, Jesus Christ in the Writing of Images, Labor et Fides, 1990, p. 263.
(200) Jacques Fontaine, The conversion of Christianity to ancient culture: the Christian reading of the bucolic universe of Virgil. In Bulletin of the Association Guillaume Budé, n ° 1, March 1978 [p. 50-75], p. 63.
(201) Jérôme Cottin, op. cit., p. 87.
(202) James Spencer Northcote and William Robert. Brownlow, op. cit., p. 264.
(203) Jérôme Cottin, op. cit .., p. 86.
(204) See Laurence Vieillefon, The figure of Orpheus in Late Antiquity: The mutations of a myth: from the pagan hero to the Christian cantor, De Boccard, 2003.
(205) Interestingly, the mythological figure most often identified with Christ in Spanish literature in the "middle ages" is Orpheus, then comes Pan: in part due to the homophony between the name of this god and "pan" (“Pain”) (Alice Brooke, The Autos Sacramentales of Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, Oxford University Press, 2018, p. 39).
(206) Rāḥēl Ḥa̱klîlî, Ancient Jewish Art and Archeology in the Diaspora, Brill, Leiden, Boston and Cologne, 1998, p. 247.
(207) John Block Friedman, op. cit., p. 43.
(208) Ibid., P. 43-4.
(209) More than four hundred manuscripts of the Consolation still remain (ibid., P. 115).
(210) Jean-Marie Mayeur, Luce Pietri, André Vauchez and Marc Venard (under the direction), op. cit., p. 835.
(211) Cicero, Complete Works, Nisard, 1864, t. I, p. 89.
(212) Augustin, De Doctrina Chistiana, IV, 5, 7. “The orator, capable of discussing or speaking if not eloquently at least with wisdom, should approach this task with which I am dealing, with a view to to be useful to the listeners, even if it was less so than it would be, if it were also able, in addition, to speak eloquently. On the other hand, one who overflows with an eloquence without wisdom must be all the more avoided, as the listener takes more pleasure in hearing him expose uselessnesses and even imagines himself, under the pretext that he speaks eloquently, that he is telling the truth ”. The Bishop of Hippo also borrowed from Cicero his distinctions of the three purposes of eloquence, the three kinds of subject, and the three kinds of style.
(213) Birger Munk-Olsen, L'Humanisme de Jean de Salisbury, un cicéronien au 12e siècle, in Maurice Gandillac and Edouard Jeauneau (ed.), Interviews on the 12th Century Renaissance, Mouton and Co, Paris, 1986 , p. 56.
(214) Jean Baptiste Pitra (RP Dom.), History of Saint Léger. Waille, Paris, 1846, p. 63-4; see, on the subject of the importance of the eloquence / wisdom pair in rhetoric in the “Middle Ages”, J. Ward, The date of the commentary on Cicero's De Inventione by Thierry of Chartres and the Cornifician attack on the liberal arts, Viator, n ° 3, 1972 [p. 219–73], p. 268; John O. Ward, Classical Rhetoric in the Middle Ages, Brill, Leiden and Boston, 2018, p. 274.
(215) John Block Friedman, op. cit., p. 309-31.
(216) See Glynnis M. Cropp, Böece de confort redesigned: Critical edition, Modern Humanities Research Association, London, 2011, p. 182.
(217) See Thomas Bein, Orpheus als Sodomi. Beobachtungen zu einer mhd. Sangspruchstrophe mit (literar) historischen Exkursen zur Homosexualität im hohen Mittelalter.Zeitschrift fur deutsche Philologie, n ° 109, 1990 [p. 33-55] as well as Robert Mills. Seeing Sodomy in the Middle Ages, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 2015.
(218) Jean-Michel Roessli, Nature and Significance of the Myth of Orpheus in the Consolatione philosophiae by Boethius, In Archivum Bobiense: rivista degli Archivi Storici Bobiens, n ° 21, 1999 [p. 27-72] p. 55-6.
(219) John Block Friedman, op. cit., p. 312.
(220) Ibid., P. 133.
(221) Quoted in ibid., P. 137.
(222) Guillaume Guizot, Alfred the Great or England under the Anglo-Saxons, L. Hachette et Cie, Paris, 1856, p. 216, p. 219.
(223) Quoted in Walter John Sedgefield (ed.), King Alfred's Version of the Consolations of Boethius: Done Into Modern English, with an Introduction, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1900, p. 117. 
(224) John Block Friedman, op. cit., p. 151. “… the ascent that Orpheus makes on leaving Hades is compared to the works of the prophets and the first Christian preachers, even of Saint Peter, who was seated 'sor le hault mont de sainte yglise' (X , 2556-2562). The seven strings of the lyre of Orpheus are explained as being the seven virtues, and even the pegs to which the strings are attached undergo Christian interpretation ”(ibid.).
(225) Sarah-Jane Muray, From Despair to Hope: The Overcoming of Tragedy in the Moralized Ovid (Book I and II), in Laurence Harf-Lancner, Laurence Mathey-Maille and Michelle Szkilnik (eds.), Metamorphosed Ovid: The Medieval Readers of Ovid, Presses Sorbonne Nouvelle, 2009, p. 184.
(226) Françoise Joukovsky, Orphée and his disciples in French and neo-Latin poetry of the 16th century, Droz, Geneva, 1970, p. 15.
(227) Sian Echard et al. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Medieval Literature in Britain, Wiley Blackwell, 2017, p. 567.
(228) Alexis De Tocqueville, On democracy in America, t. 4, 2nd ed., Charles Gosselin, Paris, 1840, p. 87. The following lines amply deserve to be placed in the file of Christian marriage, the model of which was opposed to the lineage policies of transmission of the patrimony pursued by the aristocracy: “Consent already existed in Roman law. But […] canon law goes further than Roman law when it comes to parental consent. Roman law recognized the priority of the consent of the father over that of the engaged couple. For the Romanists, it was a way of protecting the daughter from seducers and also of preserving the interests of the family. But for theologians and canonists, marriage was created by the will of the spouses. And this will was free for the woman as well as for the man.Pierre Lombard (1100-1160) was the first to say that paternal consent was not a condition of marriage (Gaudemet, 1993: 208). He writes: For the Church, the consent, or the agreement of the father or the guardian, is a sign of a desirable deference, but does not affect the validity of the bond, whereas Roman law attributed a decisive role to the consent of those who had power over each of the spouses. […] The Church refuses to grant a determining role to the entourage whatever it is (Basdevent & Gaudemet, 2001: 46). In Roman law, marriage is not a sacrament. Defining it as such means that marriage is only the business of two beings who unite.This conception allowed the Church to attack the structure of the feudal family by making paternal authority unnecessary to establish the validity of the marriage: not only the authority of legitimation passes from the father to the priest, but above all the authority of decision. passes from father to son or daughter.
“Roman law legitimized the power of the family over the individual; canon law delegitimizes it. JT Noonan explains that the 'affectio maritalis' expressed a forced or at least fabricated consent, which in no way implied the freedom of the individual in relation to the interests and pressures of the family. In Rome, a son or daughter was supposed to obey their father. On the other hand, mutual consent, as established by Gratien (mid 12th century), undermined paternal authority and filial piety. Noonan writes: Roman law itself, while making consent central to marriage, did not employ the doctrine to prevent parental decision-making. Marital consent was contrasted with mere coitus and with ravishment. It was not a concept to undermine filial piety. In these matters a son was expected to obey his father.The notion that a boy or girl must consent did not exclude their being made to consent (1973: 425).
“One can object that it was the same for sons and daughters in the 12th century. The persistence of old practices as well as the perseverance of ecclesiastics in the fight against habits on the fringes of legal standards prove it. How many young girls, fearful and respectful of an authoritarian father, have not been forced to marry a parent much older than themselves, and moreover with the complicity or the complacency of the priest or the bishop? But also, how many did not succeed in marrying the one they loved, either in a clandestine union, or by being kidnapped by him? Because the Church recognized the legitimacy of unions in which the girl, to escape family constraints, was kidnapped by her fiancé. Some decretals of Pope Lucien III (1181-1185) attest to this (cf. Gaudemet, 1993:209). And yet, how many young girls have not preferred celibacy to marital and family oppression and have become either nuns or beguines. The Church has succeeded in removing from feudal practices their basis of legitimation and sustenance. The father's consent is unnecessary, the fundamental principle is marital freedom.
“This is not about any liberation or full realization of the individual. What we are talking about is that the rise of a bureaucratic, impersonal and universal institution like the Gregorian Church has allowed the subject to emerge beyond his belonging to a particular community, in this case the lineage. The substitution of the father by the priest (spiritual, symbolic father) creates the conditions for the subject to gain immanence from the solidarities and pressures of the family which determine him. He is the subject without a place in the world, deterritorialized, fundamentally indeterminate, in short a knight errant. It is the subject with no other content or substance than his desire, the subject who hardly exists. It is the lyrical 'I' based on the nien dreit, by William IX: farai un vers de dreit nien: / non er de mi ni d'autra gen,/ no amor ni de joven, / no ren au, / that in fo trobatz en durmen / sus un chivau. They are the pensive knights whose being is hollowed out in a crisis of absence from the world, where reverie, melancholy, madness and savagery are in continuity, and recast from this nothingness where identity and belonging are canceled, this cancellation being, subsequently, staged in the motif of the knight incognito.
“In its canonical version, mutual consent opens the door to the introduction of love into marriage. Of course, we can consent to marry someone without loving them, but we must ask ourselves whether the modern notion of marriage of love would have emerged in the absence of the principle of mutual consent as understood by canon law. . It has been found that the word 'love' does not appear in the texts of jurists and canonists. 'Love' in ecclesiastical Latin, 'amore (m)', means 'manly desire', 'concupiscence'. The word used for love is 'dilectio', which means affection and pleasure: 'dilectio' is introduced into matrimonial legislation with all that it implies as a claim for happiness and autonomy (Payen 1981: 221). Likewise, J. -Cl. Bologna claims that in the south of France, where fin'amors was born,matrimonial rites included that the priest asks the engaged couple not only if they were there of their free will, but also if they loved each other (Bologna, 1999: 114) ”(Cristina Alvares, Marriage, courteous literature, and structure of the desire in the 12th century. In Medievalista. n ° 8, 2010, available at the following address emhttp://www2.fcsh.unl.pt/iem/medievalista/MEDIEVALISTA8 \ alvares8008.html, accessed August 16, 2018).
(229) François Villon, Works, Librairie H. Champion, 1974, p. 628.
(230) There is no question of Pan in the “Middle Ages”, except for Remi d'Auxerre and Guillaume de Conches. In line with Orphic tradition, both represent it allegorically as the universe. For them, “the name of God […] evokes the notion of totality or the universe. The nebride, this variegated skin that he wears around his neck, signifies the different stars that shine in the firmament. If the face of Pan is red, it is to represent fire; if his legs are hairy, it is to symbolize the forests. Finally, if he has goat's feet, it is to show that solidity is a characteristic property of the earth.Pan's flute evokes the concert of the planets and [the] cosmic harmony […] Its pastoral staff (pedum) - the prerogative of old men bent over the years - reminds us of the cyclical nature of time and seasons ”(Édouard Jeauneau, L use of the notion of Integumentum through the glosses of Guillaume de Conches, In Archives of doctrinal and literary history of the Middle Ages, vol. 24, 1956, p. 59). The pantheistic character of this allegory should not surprise, nor on the part of Rémi d'Auxerre who, disciple of Scot Erigène, whose basis of the system is pantheist (Jacques Matter, Histoire de la Philosophie, Paris, 1854, p. 108 et sqq.), is not far from professing a doctrine similar to that of his master, when he defines humanity as “the substantial unity of human individuals” (cited in E. Rodier de Labruguière, Cupély [M . the abbot of],Spirit of scholastic philosophy, vol. 2, Paris, Hachette, 1867, p. 169; every time we make the individual disappear in the genre, we end up with a pantheist conception of the universe), nor on the part of Guillaume de Conches who was accused of pantheist naturalism by Father Guillaume de Saint-Thierry ( v. 1085 -1148) (see Georges Minois, Abélard, Héloïse and Bernard: Passion, reason and religion in the Middle Ages, Perrin, 2019).Perrin, 2019).Perrin, 2019).
(231) Martianus Cappela, De Nuptios philologiae et Mercurii, II, 34, cited in Claude Lecouteux, op. cit.
(232) Michela Landi, On the innocence of nature: the god Pan and the Revolution. In Giovanna Angeli, Patrizio Collini and Claudio Pizzorusso (dir.), Rivista Di Letterature Moderne e Comparate, 2013 [p. 49-67], p. 51. With regard to the great figures nicknamed Pan during the Renaissance, we can cite Pierre de Bourbon, an important personage in the court of Charles VIII, Antoine Sanguin de Meudon, known as Cardinal de Meudon (1493-1559), great chaplain of François I (ibid., P. 35, 38). Later, many great figures, including Richelieu, Louis XIV and Voltaire will be nicknamed or will be nicknamed Pan (Michela Landi, op. Cit.).
(233) Cosimo de Medici (1389-1464), founder of the financial and political dynasty of the Medici, was identified with Pan in bucolic literature, by virtue of a pun on "Kosmos", the Greek equivalent of Cosimo (Eleonora Bairati and Anna Finocchii Arte in Italia: L'Italia nel Rinascimento, Loescher, 1988, p. 234).
(234) Luca Signorelli had painted, at the request of Laurent de Medici, The Education of Pan, in which the god, “seated on a rock which dominates a harsh landscape […] is surrounded by shepherds, nymphs and satyrs some of which blow, like him, in their reed flutes, while others lend an ear to this rustic concert. Animal skins or vine garlands alone hide their nakedness. Further on, two nymphs are resting under a cluster of large trees. In the background, we see riders next to a triumphal arch and, on the right, the entrance to a cave made in the rocks. The austere aspect of the composition hardly responds to the ideas aroused by the name of Pan […] the painter, at the same time as he gave Pan hairy legs and goat's feet,placed in the upper part of his body the elegance and beauty of a superior being. With the long curls of hair framing it, her inspired face looks like Apollo's. His companions, handsome like him, in attitudes full of nobility, display their chaste nudity under a dazzling sky and blend in with the lines of the landscape in the most natural and harmonious way ”(Émile Miche, Les Musées de Berlin : organization, description. In Revue des Deux Mondes, 1882, p. 122). In another painting, now lost, he had "represented the political meaning of a Medicean side around which the Florentine countryside identified with Arcadia, and Laurent's intimate friends with shepherds governed by the laws of the Medicis. Besides some ancient images of the God, the figure of Pan Medicus, microcosm, image and center of a macrocosm,was based on a few lines from Virgil's Eclogue II commented on by Servius: 'For Pan is a rustic god,' formed 'like nature from which he takes his name which signifies everything: he has indeed horns like rays of the sun and the horns of the moon His face is red in imitation of the air (of ether); on his breast he has a starry skin like the sky studded with stars; the lower half of his body is polluted, from trees, branches, and wild beasts; he has forked feet, to show the solidity of the earth; he has a seven-pipe flute because of the harmony of the heavens, in which are the seven sounds […] he has a shepherd's cross because of the year that returns to itself '”(Mauri Servii Honorati grammatici in eadem commentarii, op. cit., p. 10, cited in Laurence Giavarini, La distance pastorale:political uses of the representation of shepherds [16th - 17th centuries], J. Vrin, Paris, 2010, p. 34-5).
(235) Peregrine Horden (ed.), Music as Medicine: The History of Music Therapy Since Antiquity, Routledge, London and New York, 2016 (1st ed.: 2000), p. 155.
(236) Ibid., P. 154.
(237) Quoted in Le Nouveau Conservateur Belge, t. 4, Louvain, 1831, p. 325-6.
(238) See Marsile Ficino, Correspondance, Book I (from Petrarch to Descartes), J. Vrin, Paris, 2014.
(239) Matteo Soranzo, The Platonic Hymns and their Role in Premodern Spirituality, in Eva Kushner (ed. .), The Renaissance Period (1400–1600), t. 2: The New Culture (1480–1520), John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam and Philadelphia, 2017, p. 31.
(240) Jean-Michel Roessli, The therapeutic magic of the poetic song of Orpheus in the work and thought of Ficino and a few Renaissance authors, https://nouveauxmodernes.files.wordpress.com/2017/02/ new-version.pdf , p. 15.
(241) Ibid.
(242) Ibid., P. 16.
(243) L.- F. Alfred Maury, op. cit., p. 249.
(244) Ibid., P. 250.
(245) Albert Réville, La religion des Phéniciens. In Revue des Deux Mondes, t. 105, 1873, p. 381; Mourane, The Ten Commandments: Phenicia, sl, sd, p. 6.
(246) Jules Girard, op. cit., p. 267.
(247) See also Psalm 136: 1; 86:15.
(248) Cited in Myriam Jacquemier, Les académies au XVIe siècle, in Jean-Claude Colbus and Brigitte Hébert (under the direction), The tools of knowledge: teaching and intellectual training in Europe between 1453 and 1715, Publications of the University of Saint-Étienne, 2006, p. 228, note 30.
(249) George W. McClure, Sorrow and Consolation in Italian Humanism, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1991, p. 151.
(250) “The space granted to Egypt, even its integration into post-Tridentine Catholicism, is understandable only through the prisca teologia which serves as its foundation. The wisdom of the ancient theologians is recovered in the service of Catholicism which it exalts all the more: Sixtus V has the obelisks of his arms and of the cross overcome so that the hierarchy is visible to all. Rome integrates Egypt by recovering it ”(Laurence Wuidar, Canons enigmes et hieroglyphes musicalaux dans Italie du 17e siècle, Peter Lang, Brussels, 2008, p. 182).
(251) Françoise Joukovsky, op. cit., p. 157.
(252) Ep. Ad Pisones, 391. Quoted in Revue de l'art chretien, 20th year, 2nd series, t. 6, 1877, p. 22.
(253) John Bokina, Opera and Politics: From Monteverdi to Henze, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT, 1997, p. 17; Iain Fenlon, The prime rappresentazioni dell'Orfeo di Monteverdi, Philomusica on-line 8/2 - 50-63, Atti del Convegno Internazionale “Quattro secoli di mito. L'Orfeo di Claudio Monteverdi nel quarto centenario ”.
(254) F. Poperno, The production system until 1780, in L. Bianconi, G. Pestelli (under the ed.), History of Italian opera, vol. IV: The production system and its professional implications, Liège, 1992 [p. 3-81], p. 14.
(255) “Vocal music, which developed in Italian courts in the second half of the 16th century, is not only a staging and a setting in sound of power. If the prince (or the Republic, in the case of Venice) knows how to profitably use the musical spectacle and his escort speeches (descriptions of festivals, prefaces and dedications of works) to express his glory, the music is not limited to represent power. Thus, by studying the relationships which unite vocal art to the mode of government and, more generally, to the political organization of societies in four principalities of northern Italy at the end of the 16th century (Florence, Ferrara, Mantua and Venice ),it appears that music - that is to say both its practice and the discourses that are held about it - is used as a political instrument whose effectiveness is measurable and that it is considered by the men of the Cinquecento as a necessary language to describe and explain the political functioning of states. Once the hegemony of music in the principalities has been highlighted, the confrontation of sources as different as performance reviews, score dedications, musical theory treatises, but also political theory treatises and chronicles of cities, allows us to consider the way in which vocal art was understood in the 16th century as a form of political discourse. A speech which is not satisfied with making known (the glory of the prince, his valor,and to make people believe (in the necessity of certain Venetian political choices, in the immutability of political systems), but above all seeks to make people do things: for the men of Cinquecento, vocal music is a means of acting in politics that ensures the organized community of men and its sustainability ”(Florence Alazard, Art vocal, art de Gouverner: music, the prince and the city in Northern Italy 1560-1610, Minerve, 2002, inside cover; see also, regarding the political instrumentalisation of the opera, by the established powers as well as, from the 18th century, by their opponents,vocal music is a means of acting in politics which ensures its sustainability for the organized community of men ”(Florence Alazard, Art vocal, art de Gouverner: music, the prince and the city in Northern Italy 1560-1610, Minerve , 2002, back cover; see also, regarding the political instrumentalization of opera, by the established powers as well as, from the 18th century, by their adversaries,vocal music is a means of acting in politics which ensures its sustainability for the organized community of men ”(Florence Alazard, Art vocal, art de Gouverner: music, the prince and the city in Northern Italy 1560-1610, Minerve , 2002, back cover; see also, regarding the political instrumentalization of opera, by the established powers as well as, from the 18th century, by their adversaries,http://www.linflux.com/musique/opera-et-politique-le-peuple-et-les-tyrans ; https://www.levoyagelyrique.com/blog/opera-et-politique .)
(256) D. Pistone and P. Brunel (eds), Musiques d'Orphée, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1999, p. 185-90.
(257) Henri Stern, A New Orpheus-David in a 6th Century Mosaic. In Minutes of the meetings of the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1970, 114th year, n ° 1 [p. 63-79], p. 76.
(258) The two main works of Machiavelli, Le Prince and Discours, open with a reference to the artists. In several important passages of the first the statesman is compared to an architect, a doctor or an artist (see Niccolo Machiavelli, The Portable Machiavelli, translated by Mark Musa and Peter Bondanella, Penguin Classics, 1979; Alejandro Barcenas , Machiavelli's Art of Politics, Brill and Rodopi, Leiden and Boston, 2015).
(259) In Apollodorus (I, 3,2) and in the Argonautics, he is the son of a king. See Max Célérier, Regards sur la symbolique de la Toison d'or, Éditions du Bien public, 1990, p. 106. Several paintings on vases dated from antiquity show Orpheus as the son of Oeagre casting a spell on Thracian warriors (Malcolm Kenneth Brown, The Narratives of Konon, Saur, 2002, p. 304).
(260) Sophists can rightly be called "knowledge professionals, for they made their teaching their livelihood." They did more than subsist, their lessons being very expensive ”(see Gilbert Romeyer Dherbey, Les Sophistes, 8th ed., Presses Universitaires de France, coll.“ Que sais-je? ”, Paris, 1995).
(261) Plato, Protagoras, 2316d. In Lives of the Sophists, Philostratus says of Prodicus, one of the representatives of the first sophistry, that he "peddled [the piece] from town to town, and sold it for money, thus charming the cities in the manner of Orphée ou de Thamyris ”(cited in Yearbook of the Association for the Encouragement of Greek Studies in France, vol. 14, A. Durand and Pedrone Lauriel, Paris, 1880, p. 131).
(262) In fact, sophistry, destroyer of the values ​​of the aristocracy in ancient Greece (Dominique Côté, Aristocracy and democracy: ideologies and societies in ancient Greece, Alain Fouchard, nd, p. 331 et seq.) And thereby the same crucible of Athenian democracy, has its roots in prophecy and manticism (Dominique Côté, La prophétie et les fondements de la sophistique, http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:mbeB9sRfMykJ:www.academia .edu / 8287599 / La_proph% 25C3% 25A9tie_et_les_fondements_de_la_sophistique + & cd = 1 & hl = fr & ct = clnk & gl = at. Philostratus remarks, for example, that, like the oracles of the Pythia, the speeches of the Sophists began with formulas such as "I know", "I know" or "I have long since clarified" (cited in Yearbook of the Association for the Encouragement of Greek Studies in France, op. cit., p. 128)
(263) Pierre Brunel, Stéphane Wolff, L'opéra, Bordas, 1980, p. 10 and sqq. Even in the 18th century, the opera was one of the main places in the public life of the London and Parisian elites, who, while the monarchical festivals were less and less numerous, aspired to find other distractions. Its audience gradually widened to include all other social strata during the second half of the 19th century (Hans Erich Bödeker, Patrice Veit and Michael Werner [eds.], The concert and its audience: Changes in musical life in Europe from 1780 to 1914 [France, Germany, England], Éditions de la maison des sciences de l'homme, OpenEdition Books, March 31, 2017, DOI: 10.4000 / books.editionsmsh.6740, chap. 5: Audiences, listening and behavior), where the concert becomes an instrument of social discipline (see Richard Leppert, The Social Discipline of Listening, in ibid .; many opera halls and concert halls were decorated with representations of Orpheus , Linda Hutcheon and Michael Hutcheon, Opera: The Art of Dying, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. And London, 2004, p. 216, note 32). (313) Norbert Bonafous, op.cit ., P. 254. (369) Works of M. Ballanche, t. 6, Paris, 1833, p. 211. Ballanche, including universalis.fr
(264) Françoise Joukovsky, op. cit., p. 15. Already for the author of Chess in love (c. 1400), Orpheus ensured the proper functioning of political life thanks to the influence of music.
(265) André Chastel, Marsile Ficin et l'art, 3rd ed., Droz, Geneva, 1996, p. 190.
(266) Martin Dawes, Milton and the Politics of Orphic Enchantment, 2009, doctoral thesis, p. 12, http://digitool.library.mcgill.ca/webclient/StreamGate?folder_id=0&dvs=1560425640165~213. The Chinese seem to have been among the first to attribute political virtues to music. “In the imperial and royal families of China, we generally understood by the word music, the science of civil and political laws. The Chinese, like the Egyptians and Greeks, once regarded music as the most sublime and perfect science, and the basis of all others. One could not, among the ancient Chinese, achieve an important employment, unless one had distinguished himself by a great erudition in this science: a prince could not even aspire to the empire, if he had not acquired a deep knowledge of music ”(GA Villoteau, Researches on the analogy of music with the arts, t. 2, Paris, 1807, p. 301). In Des representations in ancient and modern music (Paris, 1681, p. 59-60),Menestrier, teaches us that the Chinese, "who have among them, from time immemorial, most of the things which are in use in Europe, gave the name of music to their laws and to the political maxims of their government, of which the only reigning houses had secrecy and song. Their history teaches us, continues the same author, that, under the empire of King, son of Ling, U, who was king of the southern part of China, wanting to adapt to the ways of the country, and to learn about laws and the form of government to comply with them, sent ambassadors to King Lu to Xantung, so that these envoys could learn the music of the Cheve family, who is the one who has the secret and who teaches it to the sovereigns , so that by having fun they may learn what they must know for the conduct of their peoples.It was Yum-hius who invented this music. »(GA Villoteau, op. Cit., P. 301-2). The first musical systems seem to have been formed among the Chinese, the Hindus, the Assyro-Chaldeans and the Egyptians.
(267) John Warden, Orpheus, the metamorphoses of a myth, University of Toronto Press, 1982, p. 90.
(268) Machiavelli's art of war is based entirely on cunning and must therefore be reduced to the Eastern conception of war (see https://elementsdeducationraciale.wordpress.com/2014/10/18 / the-fifth-state , chao. IV: The war).
(269) Roberto Miguelez, The rules of interaction: essays in sociological philosophy, Presses de l'Université Laval and L'Harmattan, “Coll .. Zêtêsis”, Quebec and Paris, p. 76.
(270) Roger-Gérard Schwartzenberg, La politique mensonge, Éditions Odile Jacob, Paris, 1998, p. 24.
(271) Complete works of N. Machiavelli, t. 1, Auguste Derez, 1837, p. 367.
(272) See Adam Kitzes, The Politics of Melancholy from Spenser to Milton, Routledge, New York, 2006.
(273) Heinrich F. Plett, Rhetoric and Renaissance Culture, De Gruyter, Berlin and New York, 2004, p. 40, who quotes other authors comparing British figures of the time to Pan.
(274) Joseph Gaume, The Revolution. Historical research. The Origin and Spread of Evil in Europe, Part 2: French Revolution, Gaume Frères, 1856, p. 158. Six years after Robespierre had been guillotined, a certain Gabriel-Raimond-Jean-de-Dieu François d'Olivier, first professor of law in Avignon, then, like his father, chancellor of the court supreme rector of the Comtat Venaissin and finally advisor to the imperial court of Nîmes, published, under the name of Citizen Olivier, a work which testifies to the interest that his contemporaries had in the "mission of Orpheus", to resume the expression of Fabre d'Olivet (From the social state of man: or, Philosophical views on the history of the human race, vol. 1, Paris, 1822, p. 334): The spirit of Orpheus : or On the respective influence of music, morality (Paris,1800). The book was distributed in nearly twenty major European cities. In the preface, the author relates that Orpheus "appeared to him in a dream" (ibid., P. 3) and indicated to him "the procedure [...] to be followed in the study of the theory of musical art. "(Ibid., P. 12):" [to research] what the influence of music on manners consists of; [observe] especially how much music increases the intensity of religious feelings; [examine] under what aspect the ancient philosophers recognized that music was the queen of science ”(ibid., p. 12-3), without“ [neglecting] […] the study of the laws suitable for improving the human condition ”(Ibid., P. 13). After lamenting that music is no longer cultivated, if not for the sake of theatrical performances,he recalls that "Hermes regarded music so well as being the first of all the sciences, that, in this kind of religious procession which he instituted, in which the secret doctrine was indicated by signs or hieroglyphs, each of which was arranged according to the degree of preeminence of each particular science, the first sign was relative to music ”(ibid., p. 22-3); that, according to Boethius, the effects of music develop moral feelings ("Men gathered [...] singing together, contract a kind of friendship sown with sweets that sounds spread, and there is no age when the one is not likely to taste this pleasure ”) (cited in ibid., p. 27); that Plato recommended to educate children in music, because “[t] he rhythm […] and harmony penetrates the interior of his soul, leaving strong impressions there;and these deep traces are, so to speak, the figures and models of all that is beautiful and suitable; whence it follows that the soul of a young man is formed in propriety and moral beauties ”, while“ without music he is liable to contract bad morals ”(ibid.); that the Pythagoreans taught that music softened ferocious men; that Athenaeus of Naucratis denied that, as claimed by Ephorus of Cumae, music had been "introduced among men to illusion them and as a deception" (in François Lasserre, Plutarque. De la musique. Text, commentary, preceded by a study on education in ancient Greece, Urs Graf, Olten and Lausanne, 1954, p. 82); that in many peoplesthe first legislators attached great importance to the study of music and that their laws were constantly transmitted by sung poetry, a tradition that Paul (Colossians, 3-15-17) expressly recommended to Christians. According to the author, it is precisely "because we have almost entirely lost sight of all the relations which composers-musicians or political governments should have maintained between the effects of music and the sensations or the moral ideas generally widespread ( Olivier [citizen], op. Cit., P. 47-9), but also "by the too little use of great performances of a music offered to the assembled people" and "by the bad use that is made of it. "(Ibid.) that is explained "why now in Europe popular crowds are imperceptibly susceptible to being subjugated by the effects of music" (ibid.). Concerned about the discovery "[of] the general means by which music takes an ascendancy over large assemblies of citizens" (ibid. P. 56), he exposes some of them, while acknowledging that "their perfection is still far from us. ”(Ibid.). Citizen Olivier thus appears to be one of the first, if not the first, to have thought about music as an instrument of social engineering, even though it did not yet exist. Several of his contemporaries would have disagreed with him, not on the fact that music can be a means of manipulating crowds, but on the effects it has on them.Pierre Paganel (Historical and Critical Essay on the French Revolution, vol. 1, Paris, 1810, p. 120-1), priest and father of Camille Paganel (1795-1859), deputy for Lot-et-Garonne, writes thus : “The French Revolution began with songs; they preluded by light airs to bloody insurrections, and they circulated, with vulgar songs, lofty or deep thoughts. From 1789, until the constitution of the year three, the intrigans, the ambitious, the party leaders, stirred and directed opinion, with the help of a songwriter. In that same year, 1789, the air will be fine, so analogous to national levity and gaiety, singularly hastened the march of the revolution. The peddlers of this song filled a sort of apostolate; by celebrating a few lantern performances,they prepared the French for more tragic scenes. What proves that a powerful hand presided over the brilliant destiny of this song is that it was heard almost at the same instant from north to south, from east to west. It seemed that, struck at the same time, all the echoes of the provinces responded at the same time to the chansonniers of Pont-Neuf,
“The intention and the motives of the revolutionary Orpheus are no more than a point of history: but the air triumphs over time and survives the words; it is reproduced in memory (and memory commands the voice), in all the moments when the people abandon themselves to their natural gaiety. The birth, the progress, the victories of the revolution were celebrated with songs. The glory and the triumphs of the republican phalanges share their immortality with the hymns which preceded, which even brightened up the battles. Inspired by freedom, these songs will cease with her. The Marseillaise and the Chant du Départ kindled the sacred fire among us, this fire which, more moderate, must never be extinguished. »The soldier and men of letters Amédée de Bast (1795-1892) (Wonders of the genius of man, Paul Boizard, Paris, 1852, p.103-5) is even less conciliatory: “The poets, and after them some philosophers, gave course to this ingenious fiction, that music softened manners and disarmed bad passions. The fable of Orpheus subduing, by the power of the chords of his lyre, the ferocity of tigers, lions and panthers, was the mysterious consecration of the empire of music over men and over the brutes themselves. But poets are not philosophers and not all philosophers are moralists. This wonderful influence of music on the soul and on human passions does not exist, has never existed. The Greeks who, in a way, gave a second life and a second origin to the art cultivated by Chiron and Demodocus, the Greeks did not cease, for fourteen centuries, to slaughter each other:civil war was the normal state of the Greek Republics; and from the moment when the furrows of the Peloponnese and Attica were no longer moistened with the blood of the citizens of Athens, Sparta, Thebes or Corinth, liberty faltered and ended up expatriating with the music, of which it inspired heroic fury. The Hebrews, whom we will not have the folly to compare to the Greeks, who had taught their ancient masters from the Egyptians to love and cultivate music, and who took particular care to perfect the fashions, songs and instruments of Temple of Jerusalem and the palace of Solomon and his successors, the Hebrews were the most relentless and cruel enemies when they were conquerors. It is true to say that they were not often. The Italians, in the Middle Ages,were the only musicians in Europe, and one still shudders at the recital of the bloody proscriptions, of the appalling quarrels between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines, the Capulets and the Montagues. Finally, for twenty years in France, music has become in a way the art of the people, the daily recreation of the manufacture, the factory and the workshop, and for twenty years our battles at crossroads, our battles of streets, have taken on a character of fierceness, implacable savagery, a ferocity hitherto unknown and of which our old wars of religion would hardly offer an example at long intervals. What should we conclude from this? That music has but a very weak [softening] influence on the souls of men who have reached a certain degree of civilization; than a hungry lion,that a raging populace cannot be put to sleep and disarmed by the chords of a lyre, even held by an Orpheus; and that an orchestra of three thousand musicians, even if there were Strauss at its head, marching in the deserts of Libya, or in our public places on a day of revolt, despite the sparkling sheaves of harmony that would escape with its lungs of copper, wood and brass, would be crushed, under the claw of the lion or under the claw of the roaring people. "under the claw of the lion or under the claw of the roaring people. "under the claw of the lion or under the claw of the roaring people. "
(275) Daniel T. Rogers, The Voice of No-Body in Stefano Landi's 'La morte d'Orfeo', in Karen Christianson and Andrew K. Epps (eds.), Newberry Essays in Medieval and Early Modern Studies 9, The Newburry , Chicago, IL, p. 47.
(276) It was thus, in addition to Laurent de Medici, of Jacques I of England (Robin Headlam Wells, Shakespeare's Politics: A Contextual Introduction, Continuum, 2009, p. 59). From the thirteenth century, Alfonso X, King of Castile and Leon, astromagus nicknamed "el sabio" ("the sage"), took himself for Orpheus (Daniel Grégorio, From myth to practice, music in astromagic alphonsine. In Bulletin hispanique [Online], vol. 112, n ° 2, 2010, DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/bulletinhispanique.1254; Wilfrid Mellers, The Masks of Orpheus: Seven Stages in the Story of European Music, Manchester University Press, 1987, p. 7).
(277) Eugenio Garin (ed.), Renaissance Characters, translated by Lydia G. Cochrane, University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 1991, p. 107.
(278) See infra.
(279) Edmond de Pressensé, History of the first three centuries of the Christian church, 2nd series, t. 2, Ch. Meyrueis et Cie, Paris, 1861, p. 164.
(280) “Saint Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Arnobe, Saint Justin martyr, Saint Chrysostom, Saint Gregory of Naziance, Saint Augustine and others often put the writings of Lucien to use. They drew from it their strongest arguments against idolatry; they took from it the background and the details of their homilies, and of their various Treaties in favor of Religion, ”says Father Massieu in his preface to the Oeuvres de Lucien (1781) (Christiane Lauvergnat-Gagnière, Lucien de Samosate and Lucianism in France in the 16th century: atheism and polemics, Droz, Geneva, 1988, p. 11).
(281) Benjamin Aubé, Saint Justin, philosopher and martyr: critical study on apologetics, Ernest Thorin, Paris, 1875, p. 326.
(282) René Hoven, Stoicism and Stoics facing the problem of the beyond, Library of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters of the University of Liège, fasc. CXCVII, 1971, p. 89 and sqq.
(283) See, regarding the origins of evhemianism, Raymond de Block, Évhémère: son livre, sa doctrine, Hector Manceaux, Mons, 1876, chap. IV: The doctrine of Evhemere.
(284) Edmond de Pressensé, op. cit., p. 95.
(285) Jean-Marie Mayeur, Luce Pietri, André Vauchez and Marc Venard (eds.), Op. cit., p. 833.
(286) Bernard Pouderon, Athénagore d'Athènes, Beauchesne, 1989, p. 307 and sqq.
(287) Quoted in Claude Lecouteux, Démons et Génies du terroir au Moyen Age, Imago, Paris, 1995.
(288) Philippe Borgeaud, La mort du grand Pan. Interpretation problems. In Review of the history of religions, t. 200, n ° 1, 1983 [p. 3-39], p. 3.
(289) Eusebius of Caesarea, Praeparatio Evangelica, V, 18, 13.
(290) At the beginning of the 16th century, Pan and the satyrs appeared, in addition to literature, on a number of rustic tombs (Françoise Lavocat, La syrinx au pyre: Pan and the satyrs in the Renaissance and the Baroque age, Droz, Geneva, 2005, p. 144).
(291) Gautheret-Comboulot, Studies on 16th century Beaune writers, Mémoires, Beaune, 1883, p. 52.
(292) Prosper Blanchemain, Study on the life of P. de Ronsard, A. Franck, Paris, 1867, p. 254 and sqq.
(293) Andersson Benedikte. Ronsard en grand Pan: the imagination of the god Pan in the tributes paid to Ronsard in the posthumous edition of his Works (1587). In Sixteenth Century, n ° 3, 2007 [p. 177-205], p. 187-8.
(294) Françoise Lavocat, op. cit., p. 169.
(295) See John S. Stuart-Glennie, Christ and Osiris, Thomas Scott, London, 1876.
(296) See Charles-François Dupuis, Origin of all cults or universal religion, t. 7, Louis Rosier, Paris, 1835.
(297) Philippe Borgeaud, op. cit., p. 19.
(298) Ibid.
(299) Françoise Lavocat, op. cit., p. 191.
(300) In South America, the Christian authorities used the figure of Pan to evangelize the populations. A didactic dialogue entitled El Dios Pan, written for the celebration of the Corpus Christi festival in Charcas (Bolivia) “… establishes that Christ, present in the form of water during Eucharistic communion, is the true god Pan […] [, that] the god Pan was a pastoral figure and that Christ is known as the Good Shepherd; moreover, the Christian character of the dialogue points out that Christ, like Pan, was the god of Arcadia, because he had had two 'arcas', or 'arches' built: that of Noah and that of Moses ”( Carolyn Dean, Inka Bodies and the Body of Christ: Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco, Peru, Duke University Press, Durham and London, 1999, p. 17). At the beginning of the 19th century,in a similar register, the Hungarian poet Minka Czobel, in her collection Opalok (1903), sings Pan and Christ crucified side by side, Pan laying flowers at the foot of the Cross. Father Constant, alias Eliphas Lévi, conceives of a Christ bringing together in him Pan, Adonis and Apollo (as well as a Virgin and Child prefigured by Venus and her son) (Elise, Radix, The Victorian-Man-Prometheus in the 19th century century, National workshop for the reproduction of theses, 2004, p. 446). Following the publication of his Pan in America (1924), DH Lawrence was represented doubled, lending his face, in the same image, both to the goat god and to the crucified Christ (Philippe Borgeaud, op. Cit., P. . 22).Father Constant, alias Eliphas Lévi, conceives of a Christ bringing together in him Pan, Adonis and Apollo (as well as a Virgin and Child prefigured by Venus and her son) (Elise, Radix, The Victorian-Man-Prometheus in the 19th century century, National workshop for the reproduction of theses, 2004, p. 446). Following the publication of his Pan in America (1924), DH Lawrence was represented doubled, lending his face, in the same image, both to the goat god and to the crucified Christ (Philippe Borgeaud, op. Cit., P. . 22).Father Constant, alias Eliphas Lévi, conceives of a Christ bringing together in him Pan, Adonis and Apollo (as well as a Virgin and Child prefigured by Venus and her son) (Elise, Radix, The Victorian-Man-Prometheus in the 19th century century, National workshop for the reproduction of theses, 2004, p. 446). Following the publication of his Pan in America (1924), DH Lawrence was represented doubled, lending his face, in the same image, both to the goat god and to the crucified Christ (Philippe Borgeaud, op. Cit., P. . 22).Lawrence was represented doubled, lending his face, on the same image, both to the goat god and to the crucified Christ (Philippe Borgeaud, op. Cit., P. 22).Lawrence was represented doubled, lending his face, on the same image, both to the goat god and to the crucified Christ (Philippe Borgeaud, op. Cit., P. 22).
(301) At Marsile Ficino (1496), at the Franciscan Kabbalist Francesco Giorgi Veneto (1525) (“If Giorgi can be qualified as a Christian Kabbalist, it is not because he was vaguely influenced by Kabbalistic literature, but because that he believed that the Kabbalah proved, or rather had already proved, the truth of Christianity ”, Frances Yates, The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, Boston and Henley, 1999 [1st ed .: 1979 ], p. 29), with the kabbalist Giulio Camillo (1550), whose major project was the construction of a great “theater of the world” (Jean-Claude Margolin and Sylvain Matton [eds.], Alchimie et Philosophie in the Renaissance: proceedings of the international colloquium in Tours, J. Vrin, 1993, p. 193), with the orientalist and Christian Kabbalist Guy Le Fèvre de la Boderie (1578) (see,for the bibliography of Le Fèvre de La Boderie, Guy Le Fèvre de La Boderie, Diverses meslanges poétiques, Droz, Geneva, 1993, p. 449-55), at the alchemist, close to Henri III and the Duke of Alençon Clovis Hesteau de Nuysement (1621) (failing to transmute base metals into gold, he was imprisoned in 1584 for fraud and forgery in writing , Clovis Hesteau de Nuysement, Les travaux poétiques, Livre III et final, Droz, Paris, 1996, p. 177) and, unsurprisingly, in Athanasius Kircher (1653), whose description he gives of Pan is quoted almost verbatim in the ritual of the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, which had a great influence on the Wicca movement, Pan, consort, as in Orphism, of Jupiter, represents the symbol of the creative power of nature.The idea that Pan and Jupiter were both representations of this power dates back to the following Orphic fragment, cited by Macrobe (AD 370-430) (Charles-François Dupuis, op. Cit., New ed., T. 4, Louis Rosier, Paris, 1835, p. 272, note 105) in theSaturnalia  : “Inclyte Jupiter Dionysie, pater maris, pater terra, Sol ornnium genitor, omnivarie, auro radians. "In his scholia to Ecl., 10, 27, the grammarian Servius (4th century AD) writes:" minio autem quia facie rubra pingitur Pan propter aetheris similitudinem: aether autem is Jupiter. "(" Pan has his face painted red because of the resemblance to the ether: or Jupiter is the ether ") (Cited in Franck Collin - L'Arcadie virgilienne in the Comments of Servius, Alessandro Garcea, Marie-Karine Lhommé and Daniel Vallat (eds.), Fragments of erudition. Servius and ancient knowledge, Georg Olms Verlag, Hilldesheim, Zürich
and New York, 2016, p. 272).
(302) Eugène Rigel, La signification philosophique du 'Satyre' by Victor Hugo, in Melanges Chabaneau, Slatkine Reprints, Geneva, 1973, p. 207.
(303) René Guénon, The crisis of the modern world, Éditions Gallimard, Paris, 1946, p. 26.
(304) From the time when Jehan de Brie published Le bon verger or the real regime and government of shepherds and shepherdesses (1379), “a curious little book which is both a practical treatise on meadow cleaning, as will later say Olivier de Serres, and an allegorical lesson provoked by Charles V to the address of the pastors of peoples, as Homer had said ”(), France is described as a park or a clos in many texts, such as Bergerie de l'agneau from France with five characters (last third of the 15th century), where the child king is represented by a lamb, his uncles regent by shepherds; most of the royal entries in the “Middle Ages and the“ Renaissance ”include representations of sheepfolds (Laurence Giavarini, La distance pastorale: uses politique de la représentation der bergers [16th - 17th centuries], J. Vrin, Paris, 2010,p. 31, 32)
(305) Michel Foucault, Security, territory, population. Course at the Collège de France 1977-1978, Gallimard-Seuil, Paris 2004, p. 134.
(306) Gustave Lanson, History of French Literature, 1895, Paris, Librairie Hachette et Cie, p. 370.
(307) Ibid.
(308) See Michel Brix, History of French literature, De Boeck Sup, 2015.
(309) Marie-Gabrielle Lallemand, Rape in L'Astrée by Honoré d'Urfé: representation and issues, Tangence [Online], 114, 2017, posted on 01 October 2018, consulted on 21 December 2020. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/tangence/375  ; Jacqueline Cerquiglini-Toulet et al. (edited), French literature: French literature: Middle Ages, Gallimard, Paris, 2007, p. 544.
(310) Ernest Seillière, The romantic origins of romantic morality and politics, La Renaissance du livre, 1910, p. 143-4.
(311) Norbert Bonafous, Studies on L'Astrée and on Honoré d'Urfé, Firmin Didot Frères, Paris, 1846, p. 246.
(312) “… it is significant that the first readers of L'Astrée hastened to bring back to reality the dramatic character of the world evoked in the novel. Céladon, Astrée and their ilk make a shepherd's character? Here in turn, these readers strive to compose a pastoral figure and evolve in an idyllic setting. According to Tallemant des Réaux, Vauquelin des Yveteaux likes to take poses in his garden: 'Sometimes he was dressed as a satyr, sometimes as a shepherd, sometimes as a god, and forced his nymph to dress like him. He sometimes represented Apollo, who runs after Daphne, and sometimes Pan and Syringe. ' 
“The exercise is moreover complicated and supposes a wardrobe proportional to the number of figures to be embodied. Witness the unfortunate woman who had taken it into her head to give the reply to Vauquelin: 'You had to know from the good man every morning how she would wear her hair, Greek, Spanish, Roman, French, etc. ; what dress she would take; if she would be queen or goddess, nymph or shepherdess! ' The case is far from isolated. The pastoral activity of the Cardinal of Lyon sometimes takes an unexpected turn, since, in the heart of the Lyonnais, “in a place where there was good company […], he disguised himself like the others, and made all the ladies disguise as shepherdesses. »Pastoral novel and crisis of values ​​in France in the first 17th century. Jean-Pierre van Elslande. In Seventeenth Century, vol. 2, n ° 215, 2002 [p. 209-19].

(314) “Young girl, Madame Guyon was so enamored of these works that she spent entire days and nights reading them. Much later, she would say: 'The books I read most commonly were novels. I loved them madly: I was hungry to find the end of them, believing to discover something there, but I found nothing there but a hunger to read ”, quoted in PE Coudert, Aspects de la doctrine secrète de Madame Guyon. In Papers on French Seventeenth Century Literature, XXII, 1993, p. 119 - 134, p. 119).
(315) “Fénelon met Mme Guyon at the home of her friends and protectors, the pious duchesses, daughters of Colbert, at the very moment when their influence, supported by Bossuet's doctrinal authority, made him the tutor of the future king. Ms. Guyon is not a Precious formed by reading the Urfean novels, which kept their full vogue in the provinces at the time of her adolescence. Widowed, she only turned her romantic aspirations towards divine love, like the mystics of the Middle Ages in the past, shaped by the courteous conception of the emotional life […] Before her marriage, she read novels day and night; however, we know to what extent the novels resulting from l'Astrée were a school of illusion on human nature. She was pious, moreover, and would therefore once again bring the romantic into Christian theology,by skilfully adapting this mixture to the taste of his time […] Driven by the pride aroused by an alleged mystical alliance, when the illusion of this alliance advises the chosen one to break the rational frameworks imposed by the Church on his conduct and in her thoughts, Madame Guyon looks at herself, in her complacent dreams and visions, as the equal of the Virgin Mary, this mother, herself the bride of Christ; which is really taking the metaphors of medieval mysticism too seriously! She presents herself to those who listen to her as loved by all creation and as appointed by God to restore (or reform once again) her degenerated Church.She therefore identifies with the pregnant woman of the Apocalypse, pregnant with a whole regenerated humanity and with the cornerstone on which the edifice of the Church, brought back to the right path, will soon stand. She leads Fenelon in her footsteps by the seduction of her doctrine of pure love, but also by certain encouragement to her ambitions for power, because she promises him a sublime destiny, and, first of all, this preceptorship of the children of France, which is for him the surest guarantee of this: his contacts at court had doubtless enabled him to foresee the imminent elevation of the abbot. She always reserves for herself the role of initiator and revelator: but it is he who will be the arm of the Most High when the third covenant is made (after the Old and the New),the modern Testament over which the Holy Spirit will preside after the Father and the Son have had theirs. Yes, God wants to make the Gascon priest the father of a great people, which he will no doubt interpret by seeing himself in advance in the guise of a new Richelieu near the future king of France, his pupil; a hope that he will not give up, as we know, until after the premature death of this docile disciple; and still it is to dream, however, of some influence rediscovered during a Regency which promises to be imminent. - To the tonic suggestions of his spiritual mother, he responded by affirming his confidence in God's plan for him through her, - which could be understood both temporally and spiritually ”. All this will not prevent Fénelon from rejecting as unnatural the power given to women ... (Henk Hillenaar,New present state of work on Fénelon, 2000, Rodopi, Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA, 2000, p. 63).
(316) A. Cherel, The Idea of ​​the 'natural' and the feeling for nature in Fénelon, p. 825; see also Albert Chérel, op. cit.
(317) Quoted in Madame Guyon, Les Torrents; Commentary on Songs of Songs. Text prepared, presented and annotated by Claude Morali. Jérôme Millon, 1992, p. 150.
(318) Albert Chérel, Fénelon, or, The religion of pure love, Denoël and Steele, 1934, p. 179.
(319) Quoted in Madame Guyon, Les torrents et Commentaire au [sic] Cantiques des cantiques de Solomon, p. 133, text drawn up, presented and annotated by Claude Morali, Éditions Jérôme Millon, 2004.
(320) See https://elementsdeducationraciale.wordpress.com/2019/01/31/le-pouvoir-panique .
(321) Madame Guyon, op. cit., p. 133-4.
(322) Quoted in Jules Paquier, What is quietism? Bloud et Cie bookstore, Paris, 1910, p. 27.
(323) Ernest Seillière., Mme Guyon and Fénelon: precursors of Rousseau, F. Alcan, 1918, p. 224.
(324) Ibid., P. 339.
(325) “When the soul is disappropriated, it will be able, it will have to grant everything to movements, to interior impulses, because from then on these impulses no longer have anything human, they come directly from God” (Jules Paquier, op. cit., p. 71).
(326) See Louis Guerrier, Madame Guyon: his life, his doctrine and his influence, Orléans, 1881, p. 505.
(327) Albert Chérel, Fénelon in the 18th century in France, 1715-1820: his prestige - his influence, Hachette et Cie, 1917, p. xv.
(328) Ernest Seillière. Tests and Notices. The Genealogy of Democratic Doctrine. In Revue des Deux Mondes, vol. 52, n ° 1, July 1, 1939 [p. 195-206], p. 197). Hence “philanthropy”, a term used for the first time by Fénelon in Le Dialogue des morte (1712), where he wrote: “We must love men” (Dialogues des Mortes, Œuvres Complete de Fénelon, t. 6, Gaume Brothers, Paris, 1850, p. 258). Throughout the 18th century, Fénelon received “outraged praise” for his “philanthropy” (Histoire de Fénelon, 3rd ed., Revue, corrigée et augmentée, t. 4, 1817, p. 4; Carole Masseys-Bertonèche, Philanthropie and large American private universities, Presses Universitaires de Bordeaux, Pessac, 2006, p. 19).
(329) Cécile Bost Pouderon, Dion Chrysostome: three discourses to cities (Orr. 33-35), Helios, 2006, p. 314.
(330) Ernest Seillière, Jules Lemaître, historian of naturalist evolution, Éditions de la Nouvelle Revue Critique, 1935.
(331) The spiritual pamphlets of Madame JMB de La Mothe-Guyon, new. ed., corrected and considerably increased, t. 1, Paris, 1790, p. 157.
(332) Ernest Seillière, Jules Lemaître, historian of naturalist evolution, Éditions de la Nouvelle Revue Critique, 1935.
(333) It could not be more revealing than the cult of Woman, "a spontaneous idealization of Humanity after the apotheosis of Woman" (Lettres d'Auguste Comte, Apostolat positiviste, Paris, 1889, p. . 7), was initiated in the 19th century by the positivist Auguste Comte. "The knee of the man will bend only in front of the woman", it says in the System of positive policy; and in the Preliminary Discourse, addressed to, Clotilde: “Your personal consecration is more directly guaranteed in the solemn adoration of the woman, which the final religion sets up as a necessary prelude and in continuous stimulation of the systematic worship of Humanity. »Text which signifies, stripped of this matrix of learned jargon: Clotilde de Vaux has the assurance of being immortal; but only because she will symbolize the deified Woman,which itself represents Humanity deified and imposed as a god on the living members of which it is composed. Just as angels or aeons were conceived, in times of superstition, as intermediaries between God and mortals, so women, who are by nature a kind of mediators, saints belong to an essence superior to male individuals and however participate in the asexual divinity. But why ? because they embody the forces of the heart, love, altruism, devotion which, alone, can save the world, while males are intellectuals, egotists or also withered hearts. They are poetry, they are prose. They are finesse, and they are geometry. They are, in any case, the rest of the warrior, the secret garden of the polytechnician.Auguste Comte later pronounced for a friend, a Polish mathematician named Junzill who had just died in the prime of his life, a funeral oration in which he said in substance: "This young man, like the troubadour Jaufre Rudel, in love with a distant princess, had conceived a sweet affection for a young lady he had never seen, and who was the sister of one of his pupils. Thus, instead of being a sterile scholar, had he received the Function of Love, he had risen to human holiness. For the positivist, enslaved to a highly regulated society, the veneration of femininity will therefore serve as sufficient grace. If he hadn't dreamed of the beautiful Dulcinea du Toboso, Don Quixote would have been a simple fool. And all the knights, without their Ladies, what? the brutal volunteers of a supplementary gendarmerie ”(André Thérive, Auguste Comte mystique.In Revue des Deux Mondes, June 15, 1957, [p. 600-12], p. 602-3). How can we not speak here, following Ernest Seillière, of mental illness?
(334) Henri Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, Paul et Virginie, new. ed., Garnier Frères, Paris, 1883, p. vii. Fenelon's naturism extends naturally into a Stoic-Christian universalism ("[each people], he writes, owes infinitely more to mankind, which is the great homeland, than to the particular homeland in which it was born" [ cited in Léon Crouslé Fénelon and Bossuet: studies morals and literary, t. 1, Honoré Champion, Paris, 1894, p. 248]. Strictly speaking, it is not a question of cosmopolitanism, because it does not recognize the right of any man. to elect his country as he pleases and does not admit any right of the citizen against his country, placing him towards it in a state of absolute subjection: "Children who are born in a country do not choose their country: the gods give it to them. ,or rather give them to this society of men which is their homeland, so that this homeland possesses them, governs them, rewards them, punishes them like its children ”, in which it is rather a motherhood, a possessive mother ), in a Stoic-Christian universalism and in “philanthropy” (see infra, note 330).
(335) René Doumic, Literary review - Recent studies on Fénelon, Revue des Deux Mondes, 5th period, t. 58, 1910 [p. 446-57], p. 452. He adds: “I remember once having been part of an official commission which sat at the Ministry of Public Instruction, to draw up the program of books to be placed in the hands of our schoolchildren. I proposed that the Telemachus be scratched. I would have done better to keep quiet: Fenelon's novel was included in the program for two classes instead of one. ”
(336) Ibid., P. 450.
(337) This cutesy invocation was indeed written by Diderot (André Cazes, Grimm et les Encyclopédistes, Slatkine Reprints, Geneva, 1970, p. 149; see Diderot - Complete Works, ed. Assézat, IV, p. 117). D'Holbach, for his part, abhorred all mysticism and pushed atheism to the point of wanting to erase even the name of God (Friedrich Albert Lange, Histoire du materialisme et critique de son importance à nos temps, translated from German by B Pomerol, C. Reinwald et Cie, Paris, p. 405). To give d'Holbach what it is due, it should also be pointed out that, unlike most of the 'Enlightenment', he did not place the golden age in wild life ('We pretend,' he says, that the savage is a happier being than the civilized man. But in what does his happiness consist and what is a Savage? he is a vigorous child, deprived of resources,of experience, of reason, of industry, which continually suffers from hunger and misery, which sees itself at every moment forced to fight against animals, which moreover knows no other law than its whim, others rules than his passions of the moment, other right than force, other virtue than temerity. He is a fiery, inconsiderate, cruel, vindictive, unjust being, who does not want restraint, who does not foresee the next day, who is at any time exposed to becoming the victim, either of his own madness, or of ferocity. stupid people who look like him.other virtue than temerity. He is a fiery, inconsiderate, cruel, vindictive, unjust being, who does not want restraint, who does not foresee the next day, who is at any time exposed to becoming the victim, either of his own madness, or of ferocity. stupid people who look like him.other virtue than temerity. He is a fiery, inconsiderate, cruel, vindictive, unjust being, who does not want restraint, who does not foresee the next day, who is at any time exposed to becoming the victim, either of his own madness, or of ferocity. stupid people who look like him.
“La Vie Sauvage or the state of nature to which grieving speculators wanted to bring men back, the golden age so praised by poets, are in truth only states of misery, imbecility, unreason. To invite us to return, is to tell us to return to childhood, to forget all our knowledge, to give up the enlightenment that our mind has been able to acquire: while, to our misfortune, our reason is not yet that very little developed, even in the most civilized nations.
[…]
“The partisans of the Wild life praise us the freedom which it puts within reach, while most of the civilized nations are in irons. But can savages enjoy real freedom? Can beings deprived of experience and reason, who know no motive to contain their passions, who have no useful purpose, can they be regarded as truly free beings? A Savage exercises only a dreadful license, as fatal for himself as it is harmful for the unfortunate people who fall into his power. Freedom in the hands of a being without culture and without virtue, is a sharp weapon in the hands of a child ”, Social System, t. 1, 1822, p. 275-6, p. 285) - unlike Diderot (op. Cit., P. 256): “- Do you want to know the abridged history of almost all our misery? There she is.There was a natural man: an artificial man was introduced within this man; and there arose in the cave a civil war which lasts all life. Sometimes the natural man is the stronger; sometimes he is struck down by moral and artificial man; and, in either case, the sad monster is torn, gripped, tormented, stretched out on the wheel; ceaselessly moaning, ceaselessly unhappy, whether a false enthusiasm for glory transports him and intoxicates him, or a false ignominy bends and knocks him down. However, there are extreme circumstances which bring man back to his first simplicity. "sometimes he is struck down by moral and artificial man; and, in either case, the sad monster is torn, gripped, tormented, stretched out on the wheel; ceaselessly moaning, ceaselessly unhappy, whether a false enthusiasm for glory transports him and intoxicates him, or a false ignominy bends and knocks him down. However, there are extreme circumstances which bring man back to his first simplicity. "sometimes he is struck down by moral and artificial man; and, in either case, the sad monster is torn, gripped, tormented, stretched out on the wheel; ceaselessly moaning, ceaselessly unhappy, whether a false enthusiasm for glory transports him and intoxicates him, or a false ignominy bends and knocks him down. However, there are extreme circumstances which bring man back to his first simplicity. "
(338) D'Holbach, System of Nature, Second Part, 1777, p. 316-7. “The Greeks, according to Holbach, called Nature a deity who had a thousand names. All the Divinities of Paganism were nothing other than nature considered according to its different functions and from its different points of view ”; they deified it as a “great whole” and personified its parts (ibid., p. 316, note 1). Only those who were "judged worthy to be initiated into the mysteries knew" (ibid., P. 318) Nature as "the great whole", Pan, the vulgar being able to worship only the parts; some worshiped “the mother of the Gods”, others “Venus, […] Ceres, […] Minerva, etc. »(Ibid.)
(339) Louis Ducros, Les Encyclopédistes, Honoré Champion, 1900, p. 17.
(340) D'Holbach, op. cit., p. 615.
(341) Paul Benoît, La franc-maçonnerie, t. 2, Paris, 1886, p. 469 and sqq. ; see also Daniel Beresniak, Freemasonry and Romanticism, Chiron, 1987.
(342) Ernest Seillière, Vers le socialisme rationnel, Plon, Paris, 1923, p. 41.
(343) Nathalie Ferrand, The European circulations of the French novel, their modalities and their issues, in Pierre-Yves Beaurepaire and Pierrick Pourchasse (ed.), Les Circulations internationales en Europe, 1680s-1780s, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, Rennes, 2010, p. 404.
(344) Seillière sees Plato as the precursor of naturist mysticism. “- Plato was in particular one of the pioneers of naturist mysticism since he was the first theoretically to seek in the impulses of nature and in the outbursts of passion a principle of morality. The most popular aspect of his doctrine is undoubtedly the theory of moralizing love which he developed especially in one of his most perfect Dialogues, the Banquet. - There is nothing in the world, exposes one of the characters of this famous interview, neither birth, nor honor, nor wealth which is capable to the same degree as love to inspire man what he needs to behave well, that is to say, the shame of evil and the emulation of good. If a loving man had done a bad deed or endured an outrage without demanding reparation,there would be no father, no parent, no one before whom he would be so ashamed to appear as before what he loves: and it is the same with him who is loved. - Its principle posited in these terms, the philosopher-poet deduces, as we know, a whole doctrine of moralization generated by the cult of Beauty, of material and bodily Beauty first of all, then of the Beauty of the soul, and finally of the supreme Beauty, marvelous, eternal, not generated and not perishable. - He was in this way the father of a sort of ancient romanticism, quite bizarre by the Dorian elements which are mingled with it and of which we still find the echoes, five centuries later, in Plutarch's Essais de morale »- Its principle posited in these terms, the philosopher-poet deduces, as we know, a whole doctrine of moralization generated by the cult of Beauty, of material and bodily Beauty first of all, then of the Beauty of the soul, and finally of the supreme Beauty, marvelous, eternal, not generated and not perishable. - He was in this way the father of a sort of ancient romanticism, quite bizarre by the Dorian elements which are mingled with it and of which we still find the echoes, five centuries later, in Plutarch's Essais de morale »- Its principle posited in these terms, the philosopher-poet deduces, as we know, a whole doctrine of moralization generated by the cult of Beauty, of material and bodily Beauty first of all, then of the Beauty of the soul, and finally of the supreme Beauty, marvelous, eternal, not generated and not perishable. - He was in this way the father of a sort of ancient romanticism, quite bizarre by the Dorian elements which are mingled with it and of which we still find the echoes, five centuries later, in Plutarch's Essais de morale »not generated and not perishable. - He was in this way the father of a sort of ancient romanticism, quite bizarre by the Dorian elements which are mingled with it and of which we still find the echoes, five centuries later, in Plutarch's Essais de morale »not generated and not perishable. - He was in this way the father of a sort of ancient romanticism, quite bizarre by the Dorian elements which are mingled with it and of which we still find the echoes, five centuries later, in Plutarch's Essais de morale »
“This mystical dream, in some aspects so noble, but also in some suspicious aspects, had boundless consequences. Through Neoplatonism he influenced, at least formally, the teachings of nascent Christianity and provided effective suggestions to all subsequent Christian mysticism. Then, by its survival in the Hellenized and Romanized environment of the Gallic Provincia - our present Provence -, it has, in my opinion, engendered, around the eleventh century AD, a very interesting conception of aristocratic morality which is that of the courtly or romantic love, creation of the poets of the south of France who were called the Troubadours in the Provençal language, - In their system of chivalrous gallantry, as in the Dialogues of Plato, love is proclaimed the principle of all bravery and all virtue.The amorous exaltation, spring of this erotic morality which knew such a lasting fortune, was designated, in the Romance language of Provence, by the masculine word of joy, which translated a state of energetic expansion, a certain amorous exaltation of feeling. of life, tending to manifest itself in the lover by acts or efforts worthy of the loved object.
“The courtly or romantic theory of moralizing love, however, separates itself from Athenian Platonism by its strictly feminist aspect, and from Christian doctrine - although the latter incorporated in its turn certain elements of Alexandrian mysticism - because it proclaims love incompatible with marriage. Passionate exaltation was in fact considered there as being able to become the motive of noble actions only if, perfectly spontaneous in a soul, it accepted laws only of itself. Anything which seemed likely to dampen this exaltation, to dull it, to exhaust it, also compromised its moral character. She had to avoid at all costs the depressing influences of everyday vulgarity and rule out what seemed likely to restrict, for the lover,the opportunities to give rise to his most generous faculties.
“It was therefore proclaimed that a woman could not exercise her empire of beauty with dignity and retain her virtue of moral inspiration except through gallant relations in which everything on her part was a gracious gift, a voluntary munificence. Now this became impossible in an association such as marriage where the woman has nothing to refuse. A court of love, presided over by the famous Eleanor de Guyenne, who was once Queen of France before becoming Queen of England by a second marriage, had to judge, it is said, the cause of a lady who, already possessing a knight serving, had promised to another to "retain" him, that is to say to accept him for his servant, if she were to lose the first. Now she married, shortly after, this first lover of her charms and the second immediately claimed the privilege of loving him courteously.She resisted at first, but was condemned by the court of love to keep the word given to this gallant servant in expectation or in survival; and, this, because she had truly "lost" her former lover the day she mistook him for her husband! - Such views became an obvious danger of immorality for this subtle doctrine whose pretensions had been so highly moral to begin with.
“In fact, it has often led the courteous lover to simply listen to the movements of nature after pretending to resist them for a while. She had also previously granted them a sort of mystical consecration by the moral importance that she liked to confer on them. The romantic spirit, which proceeds from courtly theory, as I will say, and which has survived it to the present day, has continued to show the same drawbacks alongside the same advantages.
"By Chrestien de Troyes mainly, it seems, by this storyteller who was one of the most famous at the end of the thirteenth century, courtly theory in fact passed from lyrical poetry to epic poetry and created the romance of chivalry. The delightful story of Tristan and Yseult, that of Lancelot du Lac, carried the romantic thesis - but also the glorification of adultery - to the ends of Europe. - Christian mysticism almost immediately seized upon these theses of refined love to refine, itself, on the relations between the faithful soul and its God. The Provençal troubadours declared themselves the knights of the Virgin, mother of Christ, and created the courteous cult of the Madonna, whose name alone, Ma Dame, tells of the romantic origins. The fourteenth-century German mystics, Eckardt, Tauler,Suso owe much to the romantic conception of a passion for the development of their more or less orthodox aspirations towards the Hereafter. Francis of Assisi, Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio were avowed disciples of our lyricists from Provence, whose influence they extended in all directions. As the sixteenth century approached and during the course of the sixteenth century, the romantic was re-steeped in its Platonic source, in Italy […] The seventeenth century in France gave a new development to the romantic spirit in the heroic and gallant novel of the Urfé, the Calprenède , Scudéry and in the salons of the precious society which asks the fictions of these writers for its most characteristic inspiration ”Boccace were the avowed disciples of our lyricists from Provence, whose influence they extended in all directions. As the sixteenth century approached and during the course of the sixteenth century, the romantic was re-steeped in its Platonic source, in Italy […] The seventeenth century in France gave a new development to the romantic spirit in the heroic and gallant novel of the Urfé, the Calprenède , Scudéry and in the salons of the precious society which asks the fictions of these writers for its most characteristic inspiration ”Boccace were the avowed disciples of our lyricists from Provence, whose influence they extended in all directions. As the sixteenth century approached and during the course of the sixteenth century, the romantic was re-steeped in its Platonic source, in Italy […] The seventeenth century in France gave a new development to the romantic spirit in the heroic and gallant novel of the Urfé, the Calprenède , Scudéry and in the salons of the precious society which asks the fictions of these writers for its most characteristic inspiration ”in Italy […] The French seventeenth century will give a new blooming to the romantic spirit in the heroic and gallant novel of the Urfé, la Calprenède, Scudéry and in the salons of the precious society which asks the fictions of these writers for its inspiration. more characteristic "in Italy […] The French seventeenth century will give a new blooming to the romantic spirit in the heroic and gallant novel of the Urfé, la Calprenède, Scudéry and in the salons of the precious society which asks the fictions of these writers for its inspiration. more characteristic "
“The romantic spirit continued to marry, however, to the speculations of a certain Christian mysticism to shape them more and more in its image. The Reformation, advocated by Luther and Calvin, was a great mystical movement at its origin, but of inspiration mainly historical and scholarly in its effort to go back to the uses of the primitive Christian Church. This movement therefore remains energetic and male in its leaders or representatives. - But, around the same time, a more feminine mystical development was being prepared within Catholicism, more concerned with satisfying the emotional appetites of the soul while turning them towards things beyond (Vers le socialisme rationnel, p. . 10-4, 16). It was the quietism, announcing, "on many points already, (of] romanticism. Advising driving by 'slopes and instincts',he works for the benefit of naturist mysticism. Attacking, under the name of devoutism, Christian rational morality and its moderate asceticism, it announces aesthetic mysticism, which will often fight the doctrines of order and method in the organization of life. Excusing, under the pretext of supreme perfection, the outbursts of eroticism in its adherents, he will work in concert with the romantic spirit, for the triumph of passionate mysticism in the modern soul. Finally announcing the approaching start of a new era which will establish the reign of the Holy Spirit in this world, he was preparing topical millenarianism, which, in secularized forms, would become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.Attacking, under the name of devoutism, Christian rational morality and its moderate asceticism, it announces aesthetic mysticism, which will often fight the doctrines of order and method in the organization of life. Excusing, under the pretext of supreme perfection, the outbursts of eroticism in its adherents, he will work in concert with the romantic spirit, for the triumph of passionate mysticism in the modern soul. Finally announcing the approaching start of a new era which will establish the reign of the Holy Spirit in this world, he was preparing topical millenarianism, which, in secularized forms, would become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.Attacking, under the name of devoutism, Christian rational morality and its moderate asceticism, it announces aesthetic mysticism, which will often fight the doctrines of order and method in the organization of life. Excusing, under the pretext of supreme perfection, the outbursts of eroticism in its adherents, he will work in concert with the romantic spirit, for the triumph of passionate mysticism in the modern soul. Finally announcing the approaching start of a new era which will establish the reign of the Holy Spirit in this world, he was preparing topical millenarianism, which, in secularized forms, would become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.it announces aesthetic mysticism, which will often fight the doctrines of order and method in the organization of life. Excusing, under the pretext of supreme perfection, the outbursts of eroticism in its adherents, he will work in concert with the romantic spirit, for the triumph of passionate mysticism in the modern soul. Finally announcing the approaching start of a new era which will establish the reign of the Holy Spirit in this world, he was preparing topical millenarianism, which, in secularized forms, would become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.it announces aesthetic mysticism, which will often fight the doctrines of order and method in the organization of life. Excusing, under the pretext of supreme perfection, the outbursts of eroticism in its adherents, he will work in concert with the romantic spirit, for the triumph of passionate mysticism in the modern soul. Finally announcing the approaching start of a new era which will establish the reign of the Holy Spirit in this world, he was preparing topical millenarianism, which, in secularized forms, would become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.the overflows of eroticism in its adherents, it will work in concert with the romantic spirit, for the triumph of passionate mysticism in the modern soul. Finally announcing the approaching start of a new era which will establish the reign of the Holy Spirit in this world, he was preparing topical millenarianism, which, in secularized forms, would become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.the overflows of eroticism in its adherents, it will work in concert with the romantic spirit, for the triumph of passionate mysticism in the modern soul. Finally announcing the approaching start of a new era which will establish the reign of the Holy Spirit in this world, he was preparing topical millenarianism, which, in secularized forms, would become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.will become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.will become social mysticism and romantic socialism. ”(Ibid., P. 17) These are, according to Seillière, the main stages of“ naturist mysticism ”.
(345) Pierre Lasserre, Le romanticisme français. Essay on the Revolution in Feelings and Ideas in the Nineteenth Century, 1907, p. 16.
(346) Ernest Seillière, Vers le socialisme…, p. 36.
(347) Id., Les Étapes du mysticisme passionnel, from Saint-Preux to Manfred, La Renaissance du livre, 1919, p. 2. "Passionate mysticism," an essential principle of Rousseauist morality which has conquered most contemporary souls and continues to rule us, so that it gradually creeps into our codes "(id., Vers le socialisme , p. 24), is expressed entirely in this page of the Dialogues: “Imagine an ideal world, similar to ours and nevertheless quite different. Nature is the same there as on our earth, but the economy is more sensitive, the order is more marked, the spectacle more admirable, all the objects more interesting ... The passions are there, as here (as on earth ) the motive for all actions, but more lively, more ardent or only simpler and purer, they take,by that alone a very different character. All the first movements of nature are straight and good; they tend as directly as possible to our conservation and our happiness (but not to that of others) ... Perhaps we are not, in these countries, more virtuous than we are. is around us, but we know better how to love virtue, and, the true inclinations of nature being all good, by indulging in them, the inhabitants of this other world are good too! ”(Cited in ibid.). According to Seillière and other critics of Rousseau, the Christianity of the latter was misguided; to which others will oppose that Catholicism is a deviation from primitive Christianity; “[…] The thought of the Savoyard Vicar is certainly a Christian thought. To the Encyclopedia, Rousseau opposes the Gospel such as his conscience as a Calvinist interprets it;to science, he opposes tradition and authority; his primitive and ideal man was not only born virtuous, he was born a Christian, and civilization not only made him vicious, it also made him a philosopher. To bring him back to himself, to nature, will be to bring him back to Christianity, not to Roman Christianity, but to pure and original Christianity ”(François-Alphonse Aulard, Culte de la raison et le cult de être supreme [1793 -1794]: historical essay, Félix Alcan, Paris, 1898, p. 252).but to pure and original Christianity ”(François-Alphonse Aulard, Cult of reason and the cult of the supreme being [1793-1794]: historical essay, Félix Alcan, Paris, 1898, p. 252).but to pure and original Christianity ”(François-Alphonse Aulard, Cult of reason and the cult of the supreme being [1793-1794]: historical essay, Félix Alcan, Paris, 1898, p. 252).
(348) Ernest Seillière, Les Étapes du…, p. 3.
(349) Auguste Viatte, The occult sources of romanticism, illuminism – theosophy, 1770-1820, t. 1, Honoté Champion, 1965 [1922], p. 232).
(350) Id., Vers un socialisme…, p. 37.
(351) Ernest Seillière, A Theory of Hippolyte Taine on the French Revolution. In Revue des Deux Mondes, 6th period, t. 43, 1918 [p. 338-65], p.361.
(352) Robespierre's entourage was swarming with “extremists” or “maximalists”, like Catherine Théot (1716-1794), “a kind of mystic, who called herself the mother of God” (Wladimir Guettée [abbot] , Histoire de l'Eglise de France, Paris, 1856, p. 326) and had made followers or Suzette Labrousse (1747-1821) (ibid., P. 360), author of Prophecies concerning the French revolution, followed by 'a prediction announcing the end of the world (1790). 
(353) Ernest Seillière, Essays and notices. The Genealogy of Democratic Doctrine. In La Revue des Deux Mondes, vol. 52, n ° 1, July 1, 1939 [p. 195-206], p. 202
(354) For Rousseau, passion and reason are not opposed; Likewise, passion is at the origin of rationality: "Whatever moralists say, human understanding owes a great deal to passions, which, by a common admission, also owe much to it. It is through their activity that our reason is perfected; we only seek to know because we want to enjoy; and it is not possible to conceive why he who has neither desires nor fears would take the trouble to reason. The passions in turn derive their origin from our needs and their progress from our knowledge. Because one can only desire or fear things on the basis of the ideas that one can have of them, or by the simple impulse of nature… ”With Racine already, by a process analogous to the so-called catharsis, the passions, brought to the extreme,end up being purified and giving way to reason. According to Hume, "reason is and can only be the slave of the passions and cannot claim any other role than to serve and obey them" (quoted in John P. Wright, Hume's' A Treatise of Human Nature ': An Introduction, Cambrdige University Press, Cambridge, 2009, p. 268); "It is not against reason to prefer the destruction of the world to a scratch on my finger" (quoted in Annette C. Baier A Progress of Sentiments: Reflections on Hume's Treatise, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MS and London, 1991, p. 165). Likewise, for Pascal, “[t] he wrongly took away the name of reason from love, and we opposed them without a good foundation, because love and reason are one and the same thing. . It is a rush of thoughts which goes to one side without examining everything;but it is always a reason, and we must not and cannot wish that it be otherwise, because we would be very disagreeable machines. Let us not therefore exclude the reason for love, since it is inseparable from it. The poets were therefore not right to portray love to us as blind: we must remove its blindfold and henceforth restore the enjoyment of its eyes ”(quoted in Colette E. Aragon, Platonisme de L'Astrée ?. In Cahiers de la literature du XVIIe siècle, n ° 6, 1984. Homage to René Fromilhague. [P. 11-22] p. 1).we must take off his blindfold and henceforth restore the enjoyment of his eyes ”(quoted in Colette E. Aragon, Platonisme de L'Astrée ?. In Cahiers de la literature du XVIIe siècle, n ° 6, 1984. Hommage à René Fromilhague . [p. 11-22] p. 1).we must take off his blindfold and henceforth restore the enjoyment of his eyes ”(quoted in Colette E. Aragon, Platonisme de L'Astrée ?. In Cahiers de la literature du XVIIe siècle, n ° 6, 1984. Hommage à René Fromilhague . [p. 11-22] p. 1).
(355) See Ernest Seillière, Les mystiques du néo-romantisme; contemporary evolution of mystical appetite, Plon-Nourrit et Cie, 1911, p 370.
(356) Id., Essais et notices…, p. 202-3.
(357) "Tremble in your tomb, pagan antiquity!" Pan! the great Pan. is not dead ! They return the feasts of Ceres, and the offering to the sheaf, and the peoples who bow down to the sacred gifts of Cybele, and the priest who invokes your infinite fruitfulness, O earth, nurse and mother of immortal humanity. The leaders of the new Republic had already attempted it; we saw, in the early days of the revolution which promised socialism, and the chariots of Ceres, and the oxen with golden horns, and the virgins singing the hymns of nature! Today the priest, in front of the sheaf, extends his arm and, in a slow voice, pronounces anathemas against dying society and the laws of the new society: a corrupt and rotten grave, this world, founded on 'inequality, where the poor, "after great pain and great effort has only death.The time of the people has arrived: 'the rich work for their children; but the poor are the children of God. ' God does not know the rich; 'to feed the poor, he makes his sun work.' Life is not a trial and the earth an exile; 'work is not the punishment of man, it is his reward,' and humanity, penetrated by that powerful, general life, spread everywhere, which we call God, imbued with that force which unites in one even being God, man and earth, advances gloriously towards happiness and indefinite perfection ”(George Sand, Claudie. In The correspondent, t. 27, Paris, 1851, p. 468-79). See Ernest Seillière, George Sand, mystic of passion, politics and art, F. Alcan, 1920.but the poor are the children of God. ' God does not know the rich; 'to feed the poor, he makes his sun work.' Life is not a trial and the earth an exile; 'work is not the punishment of man, it is his reward,' and humanity, penetrated by that powerful, general life, spread everywhere, which we call God, imbued with that force which unites in one even being God, man and earth, advances gloriously towards happiness and indefinite perfection ”(George Sand, Claudie. In The correspondent, t. 27, Paris, 1851, p. 468-79). See Ernest Seillière, George Sand, mystic of passion, politics and art, F. Alcan, 1920.but the poor are the children of God. ' God does not know the rich; 'to feed the poor, he makes his sun work.' Life is not a trial and the earth an exile; 'work is not the punishment of man, it is his reward,' and humanity, penetrated by that powerful, general life, spread everywhere, which we call God, imbued with that force which unites in one even being God, man and earth, advances gloriously towards happiness and indefinite perfection ”(George Sand, Claudie. In The correspondent, t. 27, Paris, 1851, p. 468-79). See Ernest Seillière, George Sand, mystic of passion, politics and art, F. Alcan, 1920.'work is not the punishment of man, it is his reward,' and humanity, penetrated by that powerful, general life, spread everywhere, which we call God, imbued with that force which unites in one even being God, man and earth, advances gloriously towards happiness and indefinite perfection ”(George Sand, Claudie. In The correspondent, t. 27, Paris, 1851, p. 468-79). See Ernest Seillière, George Sand, mystic of passion, politics and art, F. Alcan, 1920.'work is not the punishment of man, it is his reward,' and humanity, penetrated by that powerful, general life, spread everywhere, which we call God, imbued with that force which unites in one even being God, man and earth, advances gloriously towards happiness and indefinite perfection ”(George Sand, Claudie. In The correspondent, t. 27, Paris, 1851, p. 468-79). See Ernest Seillière, George Sand, mystic of passion, politics and art, F. Alcan, 1920.George Sand, mystic of passion, politics and art, F. Alcan, 1920.George Sand, mystic of passion, politics and art, F. Alcan, 1920.
(358) Charles Nodier, Reasoned description of a pretty collection of books, J. Techener, 1844, p. 12.
(359) He adds significantly, proof of the irrepressible inclinations of the lover of freedom for servitude: “Of all governments, the one that revolts my heart the least, the one that degrades humanity the least, is the despotism of the East, where the abasement of peoples is at least explained by superstitions ”(Romans de Charles Nodier, new ed., revised and accompanied by notes, Charpentier et Cie, Paris, 1873, p. 193) .
(360) Quoted in Keiko Tsujikawa, Nerval et les limbes de l'histoire: lecture des Illuminés, Droz, Geneva, 2008. The first mention of demogorgon, a portmanteau word made of “gorgon” and “daemon”, is found in a scholie of a Christian grammarian of the 5th century AD on the Thebaid of Stace, where he is presented as a diabolical, infernal deity, father of all gods. In a chapter of The Witch entitled “Satan triumphs in the 17th century”, Michelet positively associates the god of the shepherds with the Christian incarnation of the devil: “We had madly said: 'The great Pan is dead.' Then, seeing that he was alive, he had been made a God of evil; through the chaos, it could be wrong. But here he lives,and which lives harmonically in the sublime fixity of the laws which direct the star and which no less direct the deep mystery of life. »(Jules Michelet, La Sorcière, 2nd ed., Revised and augmented, A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven et Cie, Paris and Leipzig, 1863, p. 283).
(361) Dupuis (op. Cit., New ed., T. 5, Émile Babeuf, Paris, 1822, p. 439), citing L'Histoire des Juifs by the reformed pastor, author, theologian, historian and French diplomat Jacques Basnage de Beauval (1653-1723), indicates that "it is absolutely in the taste of the Orientals" to represent "Pan with a figure of fire, the flaming face [...] holding seven circles in his left hand and having wings on the shoulders And that this is exactly how Kircher describes it (ibid., P. 440). Phornutus (50 before our era) already said that Pan was painted “[surrounded by] seven golden candlesticks, with a luminous figure, or rather red and inflamed with the ethereal substance represented by his head […], which contained the part thinking of the world, or the ether fire which leads and directs it with wisdom ”(cited in ibid.). In Virgil's Tenth Eclogue,Pan is represented painted in vermilion (“sanguineis ebuli baccis minioque rubentem”).
(362) La Revue de Paris et de Saint-Pétersbourg, April 15, 1888, p. 27.
(363) Ernest Bosc, Small synthetic encyclopedia of occult sciences: Hermetism, magic, Bureau de la Curiosité, 1904, p. 244 makes it an uninviting account.
(364) See, concerning the spiritualist theories of Esquiros, Brian Juden, op. cit., p. 568-9 and, on his life and his work, Anthony Zielonka, Alphonse Esquiros (1812-1876), Champion and Slatkine, Paris and Geneva, 1985.
(365) Anthony Zielonka, Le feminisme d'Adèle Esquiros, Studi Francesi, 1988. The following passage, taken from Esquiros' novel Les Vierges sages (2nd ed., Comon, Paris, 1849, p. 5), shows that he had an infinitely better knowledge of the heart of women than he had of Latin, in which "plebs" means "plebs, populace" and not "people": "The ancients had made the people of the feminine gender Plebs. There are indeed secret moral affinities between the suffering class and the suffering sex. The people are women, just as women are people. Democracy, against which stand up at this hour a handful of dark intriguers who call themselves Republicans and who have neither suffered nor fought for the Republic; democracy, I say, will have its day. That day will be the day of the weak, the poor, the oppressed […].What brings women closer to democracy is the heart. "Esquiros was affiliated with the" La Réforme "lodge, where Gambetta was initiated on April 3, 1869 and became master on October 18, 1869 (Sudhir Hazareesingh and Vincent Wright, Freemasons under the Second Empire: the provincial lodges of the Grand East in the eve of the Third Republic, Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2001, p. 202).
(366) Félix Nève, Éloge de Ballanche, Louvain, 1850, p. 56.
(367) Works of M. Ballanche, t. 4, Paris, 1830, p. 55.
(368) Works of M. Ballanche, t. 5, Addition to prolegomena. Orphée, Paris, 1833, p. 153-4. This "new man", for Ballanche, was Napoleon (Oeuvres de M. Ballanche, t. 3, Paris, 1833, p. 38).
says not without reason that "it is difficult to grasp the guiding ideas" (Emile Faguet, Politiques et moralistes du XIXe siècle. Saint-Simon; Fourier; Lamennais; Ballanche; Edgard Quinet; Victor Cousin; Auguste Comte, 2e série, Paris , 1898, succeeded in the feat of clearly isolating them and following them), was strongly influenced by the Freemasons doctrines of the illuminated Louis-Claude de Saint-Martin (see Joseph Bûche, L'École mystique de Lyon [1776- 1847]. Le grand Ampère, Ballanche, Ch.-Julien Bredin, Victor de Laprade, Blanc S. Bonnet, Paul Chenavard. With a preface by Edouard Herriot. F. Alcan, Paris, 1935). Ballanche was not in politics, but his crypto-Christian whims had a decisive influence on people who, through the networks they wove in the economy, the administration,banking and industry, contributed to a great extent to tinkering with the Republican France that we know today. In fact, it was after having read his Essais de palingénésie sociale (Barbezat, Paris, 1827) that the Saint-Simonians, Childish in mind, turned to religion (see Carolina Armenteros, The French Idea of ​​History: Joseph de Maistre and His Heirs, 1794–1854, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 2011, p. 276).Ithaca and London, 2011, p. 276).Ithaca and London, 2011, p. 276).
(370) Pierre-Simon Ballanche, Essays on social palingenesis, t. 1, Paris, 1827, p. 353.
(371) Victor Hugo, Complete Works, vol. 12, the French Book Club, 1969, p. 50; the same political pantheist view had already been expressed, in a more analytical way, by the physiocrat Mably: “[To] [these] citizens, born with different characters, temperaments and inclinations […], the republic must give common principles of union, peace and concord, to have, if it is possible, only the same spirit… ”(Emphasis added) (Complete works of the Abbé de Mably, Lyon, 1796, p. 309) and by Rousseau:“ Good social institutions are those which know best how to denature man, remove him its absolute existence to give it a relative one, and to transport the ego into the common unity; so that each individual no longer believes himself to be one, but part of the unit and is no longer sensitive except in the whole ”(Complete Works of J. -J. Rousseau, t. 3: Émile, Lefèvre, 1859, p. 11).
(372) Cited in Adolphe Franck, Des reports de la religion et de la Etat, 2nd ed., F. Alcan, Paris, 1885, p. 186. While being, or because he was, "the man who was least aware of reality and of existing things" (Charles Augustin Sainte-Beuve, Portraits contemporains, new ed., Revised, corrected and very augmentée, vol. 2, Michel Lévy Frères, Paris, 1870, p. 80), de Vigny "shares with his contemporaries the joy of the first months [of the Revolution of 1848] […] accepts that one presents his candidacy" (Georges Bonnefoy, The Religious and Moral Thought of Alfred de Vigny, Slatkine Reprints, Geneva, 1971, p. 345).
(373) Quoted in ibid., P. 187.
(374) William W. Quinn, The Only Tradition, SUNY Press, Albany, NY, 1996, p..76 et sqq. Philosophia perennis is associated in Leibnitz with the conception of perpetual progress (Charles B. Schmitt, Perenial Philosophy. In Journal of the History of Ideas, vol. 27, n ° 4, 1966 [p. 505-32]).
(375) Pierre-Denis Boyer, Defense of the social order against modern carbonarism, t. 1, Le Clere et Cie, Paris, 1835, p. 346. Dupuis, mastermind of the archaeologist Alexandre Lenoir (1761-1839) (Dominique Poulot, The Imaginary Egypt of Alexandre Lenoir, in Chantal Grell [ed.], Imaginary Egypt from the Renaissance to Champollion: colloquium en Sorbonne, Presses de l'Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2001, p. 132), condemned Freemasonry, in which he included, no doubt not wrongly, the Christian Church (Claude Rétat, Lumières et ténèbres by citizen Dupuis, Chroniques d'histoire masonnique, n ° 50, 1999, [p. 5-68]). Origin of all cults was blacklisted in 1818 (Louis Veuillot, Complete Works, t. 11: Les odeurs de Paris, P. Lethielleux, 1926, p. 47, note 1).
(376) Works of M. Ballanche, t. 3, Paris, 1830, p. 13.
(377) Charles-Louis Chassin, Edgar Quinet: his life and his work, Pagnerre, Paris, 1859, p. 465.
(378) Michela Landi, op. cit., p. 54. Clemenceau, who sat with Quinet on the far left of the National Assembly from 1871 to 1875, published under the title Le Grand Pan (1896) a collection of articles previously published in various newspapers. It was around this time that Pan reappeared on the German art scene (*) and in British literature, especially in Gothic novels and in children's novels (See Eva Valentová, The Graeco-Roman God Pan and Decadence, thesis, 2018, Masaryk University, https://is.muni.cz/th/msagf/CompleteThesis.pdf), where, at the Scottish writer JM Barrie, member - with Arthur Machen (1863-1947), author of the horror tale The Great God Pan and The Inmost Light and Alesteir Crowley who told in The World's Tragedy, dedicated to Pan , that the god had appeared to him (**) - from the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, he took on features in which, nearly eight decades later, the psychoanalyst Dan Kiley recognized those of the “puer aeternus” and that the cinema, comics and television will be exploited ad nauseam during the 20th century (***). It was also around this time that Pan was elected supreme god of the neo-pagan movement in formation (****).
Le Grand Pan was very successful when it was published (Camille Ducray, Clemenceau, Payot et Cie, 1918, p. 91). The preface, over eighty pages long, begins with an erudite presentation of the myth of Pan, symbol, in Clémenceau's eyes, of paganism, continues, drawing on Plutarch's account of Pan's death, by the celebration of democratic and "pagan" Greece, fallen under the blows of Pauline Christianity, of "Asia [which] victorious over human reason gives us her Christ, who will possess us, mold us, make us" (George Clemenceau, Le Grand Pan, Charpentier, Paris, 1896, p. Xxix) (*****) and ends with a feverish hymn to the artist and the scientist. That Pan is a non-Hellenic deity and that Hellas, as he calls it, before being struck down by Christianity,had been undermined by the Asian cults, of which, precisely, that of Pan, this is what escapes him completely. Like Quinet, he rejoices in the resurrection of this divinity in the "Renaissance", a resurrection which he conceives, not, like this one, as artistic, but as interior: "we, who are of him, us, formerly amazed at the mystical personification of eternal fatalities, now free from mad terrors, we feel it moving within us, evolving, increasing, expressing itself in an ever larger, ever more beautiful, ever better formula. It is the Grand Pan which, through us, is made and grows. The total conception of which man is the interior, with man grows and ascends towards a higher mentality, eternal aspiring to the increase of all life:the increase in individual life in a more comprehensive man, the associated increase in life in man, which has become a function of social evolution. In this sense, what is the Big Pan that stirs in us, if not the growing expression of total energy, life and its evolutions, the spirit itself, higher form of life, where is summed up the harmonic order of the world ”(ibid?, p. lxxiv-lxxv.). For Clémenceau, Pan represents, not the people, "a mobile mass of changing interests which floats in the wind of prejudices, atavistic dreams, passions, hopes" (******), but the principle of action : “Pan commands us. We must act. Action is the principle, action is the means, action is the goal. The obstinate action of the whole man for the benefit of all, the disinterested action, superior to puerile glorioles,to the remunerations of dreams of eternity, as to the despair of lost battles or the inevitable death, action inevolution of ideal, unique strength and total virtue ”(emphasis added) (ibid, lxxxi.). The dual nature of Pan serves the politician to illustrate his evolutionism, his belief in the ape-like origin of man (*******), in one of the articles in the collection, entitled "Man of the towns and the woods" (emphasis added).

(*) The review PAN, published in Berlin between 1895 and 1900, was considered to be one of the most important voices of Art Nouveau in Germany. Under the direction of Otto Julius Bierbaum and Julius Meier-Graefem, the review published numerous illustrations by well-known young international artists - Peter Behrens, Franz von Stuck, Max Klinger, Käthe Kollwitz, Auguste Rodin, Paul Signac and Félix Vallotton, etc. - or not ( https://www.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/helios/fachinfo/www/kunst/digilit/artjournals/pan.html#volumes ).
(**) Aleister Crowley, The World's Tragedy, Paris, 1910, p. xx. In this anti-Christian hymn to “free love”, this unrepentant Sodomite declares among other things (p. Xxiii): “I am going to seduce the boys of England and the old men will then be able to totter to their graves. These boys, by becoming men, will give birth to the new heaven and the new earth. In a number of late 19th and early 20th century English novels, Pan is closely associated with "homoeroticism."
(***) Although the character of Peter Pan is not half-man, half-goat, but half-man, half-bird, all reference to the goat is not absent from Barrie's first novel where he appears. In The Little White Bird (1902), Peter Pan, every night in Kensington Gardens, mounts, playing the flute, a he-goat offered to him by a young girl named Maimie (a name phonetically not very far from " Mummy ”). When she offered it to him, it was a fake goat; in a letter she had left near the animal in Peter's room, she had asked him to pray to the fairies to give him life. “In 1904, Peter Pan made his debut on the London scene in front of a predominantly adult audience, in a play called first Anon, a Play then The Great White Father, and finally,on the sound advice of the American producer: Peter Pan. It is a pantomime - traditional Christmas entertainment across the Channel - an extravagant show, in three acts, which combines theater, music, songs, ballet, various acrobatics, and multiplies the special effects. The cast includes no less than fifty actors. The setting and its changes are so complex that the first performance, postponed to December 27, prepared in a fever, deeply worries the author. In the pit a full orchestra performs the music of the famous John Crook, while in the air the dancers of the London Flying Ballet, thanks to very sophisticated machinery and a whole team of technicians. Peter appears as a flying young boy, clad in dead leaves and spider webs, who lives in his fantasy land,Neverland. There, meet and collide, pell-mell, domestic story, mythology, legend, fairy tale, Robinson Crusoe, with a touch of historical tale and 'school story'. There coexist family, mermaids, fairies, pirates, Redskins, birds, a pack of wolves, a crocodile; an eagle and an ostrich were originally planned. Peter plays the pipe there like his namesake the god Pan in Arcadia; during the first performances, he [the roles of young boys were then performed by young girls] enters the stage accompanied by a live goat. He poses at the same time as a formidable captain, a tyrannical father of a family while being in perpetual quest for a mother, calls himself a little bird, an eternal child, the embodiment of youth and of joy. The Indians, as a sign of gratitude, call him 'Great White Father'.Following the tradition of pantomime, her role is interpreted by an actress, as are that of the lost boys; Mr Darling and Hook are played by the same actor, which contributes to blurring the genres and identities ”(Monique Chassagnol, From Black Lake Island to Neverland. In Belphégor [Online], 10-3, 2011, uploaded on January 10, 2013, accessed December 25, 2020. URL:http://journals.openedition.org/belphegor/381 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/belphegor.381 .
(****) See James R. Lewis, Witchcraft Today: An Encyclopedia of Wiccan and Neopagan Traditions, ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara, Calif., 1999, p. 138 and sqq. Rediscovered in Britain by Shelley (1792-1822), Keats (1795 –1821) and Wordsworth (1770-1850), for whom he was, sarcastically writes Barbara Jane Davy (Introduction to Pagan Studies, AltaMira Press, Lanham, 2007, p. 21) “the personification and guardian of the English countryside as imagined by city dwellers on vacation: A land of delight where it is always summer and where there is no sign of agricultural work "; celebrated later by Swinburne (1837-1909), Walter de la Mare (1873-1956) and Oscar Wilde, Pan was chosen by the neo-pagan movement as the personification of nature and enemy of Christianity, presented, meanwhile,as the quintessential civilizational force (Ronald Hutton, The Triumph of the Moon: A History of Modern Pagan Witchcraft, Oxford University Press, 1999).
(*****) Clemenceau's critique of Christianity has Nietzschean accents: "The search for the kingdom of God," he says for example, "contempt for the earth, for its beauties, for its joys, for its power over itself by the man emerging from its womb, the hatred of an ideal of living life, the disgust of the action here below, of the painful childbirth of better forms, this is what triumphs, this is what that the West will call life henceforth. We will no longer live except with a view to death ”(george Clémenceau, op. Cit., P. Xxxvii. And, however, let there be no mistake: Clemenceau is more anti-clerical than anti- In the evening of thought (t. 2, 1927, p. 356), he recalls that he "[wrote] a long time ago that if men who profess Christianity took it into their heads to practice their own doctrine,there would be no social question ”(Samuël Tomel and Sylvie Brodziak [eds.], Dictionnaire Clemenceau, Robert Laffont, 2017).
(******) The passage from which the quote is taken deserves to be quoted: “What then is democracy? By definition: the government of the people. I pray that they show me, the government of the people, and that they tell me where, how, in what place it is manifested.
“What is called the people, for convenience of speech, is apparently the mobile mass of changing interests which floats in the wind of prejudices, atavistic dreams, passions, hopes. Who would dare to claim that this people governs, has ever ruled? Who does not know that from known times to the present day, it is, I do not say led, but driven at random by the whims, fallacies, good or bad feelings, of a noisy minority of action? Soldiers, priests and talkers, willingly or by force, jostled him in the battles; and he went there, that's his whole story. Empires, royalty, republics, this is the setting. "
“The substance has remained so well that, just yesterday, we waged war on Germany without a single Frenchman having planned, wanted or asked. M. de Bismarck's traps were of those which average skill would have easily discovered. Consult Emile Ollivier, Napoleon III, who were great democrats; they will tell you that the event happened against their will. The Germans, no more than us, no doubt, had not formed the plan of being massacred. Nonetheless, it resulted in the most appalling war, in which Europe is still in upheaval. Where is the will of the people in this? In the midst of a Democratic Republic, didn't the democrat Jules Ferry take us to Tonkin without our wanting to? What if, the other day, by chance, England and Japan had faced Russia,in what business did we find ourselves involved without our knowledge? »(George Clémenceau, op. Cit., P. 327)
Clemenceau did not see the “decor” and, no doubt, wanted to see only part of it: that of the States endowed with a conscription or professional army. In Rome and in the Greek cities of antiquity, war, defense or attack, was only waged by free men.
Elsewhere in Le Grand Pan, he declares, still on the subject of democracy: “it is the fatal, profitable but incoherent increase in governing minorities. To the ancient oligarchies of soldiers and priests who brutally made us destinies they had not foreseen, have come to be added reasoners who put into maxims, after the fact, the observed effects of all human conflicts. These, dethroning God, who has not appeared on the earth for at least two thousand years, ended up proclaiming the kingship of the people cautiously contained by Mayors of the Palace of various denominations. The People are king. He reigns. But he does not rule. He has, like the Gods of Homer, the smoke of hecatombs. The clerics share the rest. ”(George Clémenceau, op. Cit., P. 357). At the end of his life,he confided to political journalist Emile Buré, about the democrats: “it's rats in a sewer. "(Charles d 'Ydewalle, Twenty years of Europe, 1919-1939, E. Flammarion, 1939, p. 41; which, given that he lent himself to the democratic game, made him a rat) The most famous of Clémenceau's critical statements about democracy, of which no one, including his biographers, is able to provide the source, is that it is "[t] he power for lice to eat lions". However, to Gustave le Bon (Scientific bases of a philosophy of history, E. Flammarion, 1931, p. 290) who had asked the “Tiger” as well as Herriot, Mussolini and Jean de Castellane to give him their definition of democracy, it provides an answer that is hardly in line with the aforementioned statements:"I break my head and this is what I can find: the increase of the parts of intelligence from above filtered by the increase of intelligence from below, to return to their starting point in directions general, acceptable and practicable for the whole nation. "
(*******) “The idea of ​​being able to translate the Discourse on Universal History into monkey onomatopoeias delighted me to the last point. I was no less happy to think that I would soon have on hand a licensed interpreter to transpose me into romantic verses the grunts of cynocephali, the cries of baboons, macaques, monkeys which make the ornament of the Jardin d ' Acclimatization. “I once met an orangutan in Amsterdam who certainly had something to tell me. The intensity, the humanity of his gaze struck me deeply, and I dreamed of it for a whole day. We were each in our cage: I, in the larger one, bounded by the horizon; him, in a modest cell in the Zoological Garden. Finding ourselves alone, among men, we looked at each other for a long time ”(George Clémenceau, op. Cit., P. 142).
(379) Brian Juden, op. cit., p. 57-8. The sketch for the decoration of the dome was a circular composition divided into three registers: “The Past dominated by the supreme divinity, The Present, with in the center of a portico a syncretic image of the different religions, Lastly the Future (at the location of the cut part) was to represent the return of chaos, prelude to the rebirth of a higher humanity ”( http://www.mba-lyon.fr/mba/sections/fr/collections-musee/peintures/ works-paintings / xixe_siecle / la_palingenesie_soci /). It included more than one hundred and fifty characters or symbols, “very marked by Freemasonry ideas” (ibid .; Chevanard's father was himself a Freemason, Théophile Silvestre, Les artistes français: études d'apres nature, Blanchard , Paris, 1861, p. 263; Marie-Claude Chaudonneret, Paul Chenavard: the painter and the prophet, Musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon, 2000, p. 109). It was entitled "La palingénésie sociale", a title that Chevanard had borrowed from Pierre Ballanche (1776-1847). “The entire left part would be devoted to the great phases of ancient history; all the right part would be reserved for the Christian era; and the back of the temple was to be occupied by a painting representing the preaching of Christ on the mountain.The Gospel was thus found to mark the end of ancient times and the beginning of modern times which would end with the French Revolution. We could see, I remember, on this table, sometimes in light sketches, sometimes in completed drawings, a series of heroic or historical scenes: the beginnings of Rome, the siege of Carthage, the death of Socrates, which he had had to start over after David's famous composition, which is differently beautiful; Caesar passing the Rubicon, the times of Augustus, the stable of Bethlehem, the Christians in the catacombs, a piece whose invention is sublime; and Pope Leo arresting Attila at the gates of Rome by sheer force of mind. Then come the Italian poets of the Renaissance, then Luther in Wittenberg, then the century of Louis XIV in the gardens of Versailles,then the epoch of the encyclopedists, represented by the staircase of Voltaire, which the philosophers of his century ascend and descend; finally the French Revolution, such as it is represented in the unfinished painting of Mirabeau apostrophant Dreux-Brézé, and in the drawing of the National Convention which Prince Napoleon now possesses ”(Charles Blanc, Les artistes de mon temps, Firmin-Didot et Cie, Paris, 1876, p. 202-3). “The coup d'état of December 2 and the restoration of the Pantheon to the Catholic religion as payment for the support that the clergy gave to the author of this crime interrupted the work of MP Chenavard; was he condemned to give it up? It depended on the Archbishop of Paris, M. Sibour. MP Chenavard went to see him: 'Monseigneur, he said to him,it is up to you to make sure that in a work intended to present the abridged history of all religions, Christianity holds the place it deserves and that the respectful hand of the artist has made a point of leaving it. ' M. Sibour showed no reluctance to accept this invitation; at the end of a few days he went, accompanied by some ecclesiastics and literate lay people, to the Louvre in the workshop of MP Chenavard where there were already various personages from the court of Prince Louis-Napoleon, officers attached to him, generals and inspectors from the Department of Fine Arts. The Archbishop carefully examined the exhibited compositions and, struck by the grandeur of the work he had before his eyes,he expressed his regret to the author for being obliged to oppose his execution unless he consented to modify the plan too little religious to adapt it to a church. 'Perhaps,' he continued, 'little would be enough for that.' 'I believe so, Monsignor, replied MP Chenavard, but instead of a Christian church, I wanted to make a somewhat philosophical church where Christianity only occupies its rightful place in the history of human doctrines. , and I could not lend myself to anything contrary to my thought. ' One of the people who were part of the archbishop's suite hastened to add: 'Your thinking is indeed too clear to be mistaken, you are not that atheist, that Hebertist whose had spoken to us, you were not insulting us, you are throwing us out with hat in hand '.”(Taxile Delord, Histoire du second empire, vol. 6, Germer Baillière, Paris, 1875, p. 17-20). The project was forgotten by Napoleon III.
(380) Théophile Gautier, Le Panthéon, murals by Chenavard. In Revue de Paris, new. series, 1848, t. 10, Brussels, p. 150. See also id., Le Pantheon, murals by Chenavard, La presse, September 9, 1848; then in Modern Art, 1856.
(381) Victor Hugo was "'socialist' before the word was invented" (Victor Hugo recounted by a witness of his life, t. 2, A. Lacroix, Verboeckhoven, Paris and Leipzig, 1863, p.407) and George Sand declared himself a communist in 1848 (Francine Mallet, George Sand, Grasset, 1995; Jacques-Noël Pérès, George Sand, between evangelical socialism and social messianism. In Autres Temps. Cahiers d'Éthique Social et politique, n ° 63, 1999 [ pp. 49-60]) “Théophile Gautier had taken the socialist program of progress through revolution at its word. He very sincerely believed in the 'reds', and his royalist upbringing added to this belief some not very reassuring family memories ”(Émile Bergerat, Théophile Gautier: interviews, memories and correspondence, G. Charpentier, Paris, 1879, p. 19); “Lamartine, of course, was not a socialist,but he was open enough, in heart and mind, to listen to the Socialists without shrinking from fear, and to at least approve of their intention, which for the time was already very bold. As early as 1833 had he written to a correspondent that, without sharing his illusions, he at least shared his 'noble desires for social improvement'? But this correspondent was precisely a Saint-Simonian, Cognat. If Lamartine at the time criticized Saint-Simonism, he inspired enough confidence in the Saint-Simonians for it to be in him, and in him alone among all the victors of February 1848, that the Infantine wanted to be address to obtain some immediate social reforms. In short, even more than George Sand, Lamartine was before 1848 the great moral guarantee of the advanced intelligentsia, even advanced to the point of touching socialism ”(Maurice Aghulon,A working-class city at the time of utopian socialism: Toulon from 1815 to 1851, Mouton, Paris et La Haye, 1970, p. 259); see, on the subject of de Vigny, Gustave Charlier and Pierre Flottes, The political and social thought of Alfred de Vigny. In Belgian review of philology and history, t. 7, fasc. 2, 1928 [p. 633-637].
(382) Among these romantic authors we also find the Fourierist Leconte de l'Isle (see Caroline De Mulder: Leconte de Lisle, entre utopie et République, Rodopi, Amsterdam et New York, 2005) who, four years after the Revolution of 1848 , which he had "received with boundless enthusiasm" and "whom he had called for" (Edmond Estève, Leconte de Lisle: man and work Boivin & Cie, editors, p. 66), in articles which had "[revealed] in him, not only a republican, but a revolutionary, who does not boast, when he declares himself 'ultra Jacobin'" (Jean Dornis, Essay on Leconte de Lisle, Librairie Paul Ollendorff , Paris, 1909, p. 111), published a Pan à la Théocrite, that is to say bucolic and nevertheless threatening, followed, respectively nine and seventeen years later,of a translation of the Idylls and the Orphic Hymns.
(383) See Auguste Viatte, Le Catholicisme chez les romantiques, E. De Boccard, Paris, 1922.
(384) Less sissy, the first German Communists, from the 180s, explicitly referred to primitive Christianity, which greatly displeased Engels (see Politica Hermetica, n ° 9: Esotérisme et socialisme, L'Âge d'Homme, Lausanne, 1995, p. 104).
(385) John Hunt, Pantheism and Christianity, Wm Isbister, 1884, p. iv. 354).
(386) Félix, Prejudices on the United States of America. In La libre recherche, 3rd year, t. 11, Brussels, 1858, p. 385.